By Ben Adler
Journalists love a counterintuitive story, like when a Democrat
criticizes unions or a Republican endorses gay marriage. Sen. Rand Paul
(R-Ky.), with his idiosyncratic libertarianism, provides them with a lot of
good stories, like his opposition to mass incarceration. In that vein, a couple
of recent media reports assert, on the thinnest reeds of evidence, that Paul
has accepted climate science or endorsed regulating carbon pollution. He
hasn’t. Sorry, reporters: There is no counterintuitive story about Paul and
climate change.
Paul, who may soon announce a presidential run, is an
anti-government extremist and a climate change denier. Just last April, he said
he is “not sure anybody exactly knows why” the climate is changing. He went on
to call the science “not conclusive” and complain about “alarmist stuff.” If
you’re wondering what he means by “alarmist stuff,” in 2011, while arguing for
a bill that would prevent the EPA from regulating carbon emissions, Paul said,
“If you listen to the hysterics, … you would think that the Statue of Liberty
will shortly be under water and the polar bears are all drowning, and that
we’re dying from pollution. It’s absolutely and utterly untrue.” Paul went on
to assert that children are being misled into believing that “pollution” has
gotten “a lot worse,” when “It’s actually much better now.” Paul, of course,
was conflating conventional air pollution — like sulfur dioxide, which has
declined in the U.S. — and climate pollution, which is cumulative and global,
and therefore gets worse every year, even if America’s annual emissions drop.
Indeed, Paul is prone to making ignorant, conspiracist statements
about science in general. In October, he suggested to Breitbart News that Ebola
may be more easily spread than scientists say and that the White House had been
misleading the country on the issue. And earlier this month, Paul told CNBC,
“I’ve heard of many tragic cases of walking, talking normal children who wound
up with profound mental disorders after vaccines.” This despite the fact that
the supposed connection between autism and vaccination has been thoroughly
debunked.
Like almost every other Senate Republican, Paul has voted to strip
the EPA of its legal authority to regulate greenhouse gas emissions, to force
approval of the Keystone XL oil pipeline, and to prevent Congress from placing
any tax or fee on carbon pollution. Paul’s lifetime voting score from the
League of Conservation Voters is 11 percent.
Knowing this, I was surprised to read in National Journal last week that Rand Paul is running to
his party’s left on climate change. Clare Foran, an energy reporter at NJ,
writes:
[I]n recent months, Paul has started to build a record suggesting
that he supports action to cut air pollution and believes that man-made
greenhouse-gas emissions are contributing to climate change.
That stance sets Paul apart from many Republican 2016 hopefuls who
have publicly cast doubt on humankind’s impact on climate change and duck the
question of whether the U.S. should curb emissions.
Unfortunately, Foran’s central assertion is untrue. Paul has not
“started to build a record suggesting that he supports action to cut air
pollution.” And even if he had, that’s not the same thing as supporting action
to cut climate pollution. (There’s that
conflating again.) He has not supported a single bill or taken a single vote to
limit emissions of conventional air pollutants or carbon dioxide.
Foran hypes the one and only vote in which Paul acknowledged that
humans are having some effect on the climate. She writes: “The senator voted
‘yes’ on an amendment last month affirming that climate change is real and that
human activity contributes to it, while Marco Rubio and Ted Cruz voted ‘no.’”
In all, 15 Republican senators voted for that amendment. But merely admitting
that human activity plays “at least some” role in climate change falls far
short of the overwhelming scientific consensus, which is that humans are the
main cause of global warming.
During that same Senate debate, Sen. Brian Schatz (D-Hawaii)
sponsored an amendment saying human activity is “significantly responsible” for
climate change. That was a real endorsement of climate science, and only four
Republican senators voted for it. Rand Paul was not one of them. (Schatz should
have gone even further and said human activity is primarily responsible for warming, which the
vast majority of climate scientists agree on.)
More importantly, a politician — especially an extreme
anti-regulatory zealot such as Paul — can accept climate science but oppose
doing anything about it. Foran’s evidence that Paul supports climate action is
even less convincing than her claim that he accepts climate science:
Paul also sees an upside to environmental regulation in some
cases. “I’m not against regulation. I think the environment has been cleaned up
dramatically through regulations on emissions as well as clean water over the
last 40 or 50 years, but I don’t want to shut down all forms of energy such
that thousands and thousands of people lose their jobs,” Paul said during a
November interview on HBO with Bill Maher. …
To be sure, Paul has not set out any plan of his own for how to
cut back emissions. But the senator has made clear that he thinks action should
be taken to do so.
“I’m against pollution and think we should minimize pollution,
whether or not the models are correct,” Paul said during an interview last year
with former Obama adviser David Axelrod. [emphasis in original]
In that interview with Axelrod, Paul then falsely asserted that
“most of the models have been changed within the last five years, they all
predicted the poor Statue of Liberty was going to be drowned within 100 years.”
The Statue of Liberty is 305 feet tall. No credible climate scientist has ever
claimed that the sea will rise that high in 100 years, nor does the fact that
it won’t disprove any of what climate scientists actually do say about the
importance of limiting sea-level rise this century to more like two feet than
six feet.
In light of Paul’s tendency to conflate general air pollution with
climate pollution, and his lies about climate science in that Axelrod
interview, it is not clear that Paul was endorsing minimizing climate pollution
specifically. Reporters need to understand that distinction.
Even if Paul were talking about climate pollution, saying “we
should minimize” it is not the same thing as saying the government should
mandate emissions limits. Politicians, especially Republicans, often make
observations about what we as a society should do — parents should spend more
time with their kids, for example — that they don’t want the government to
require. Indeed, Paul dodged Axelrod’s follow-up question about how he would
minimize pollution with a disquisition on overregulation: “The pendulum has
gone way too far, with very little consideration for jobs and too much
consideration for maybe theories that aren’t always true,” Paul said.
The false contention that Paul is some kind of climate moderate is
not limited to Foran’s piece. Conservative website Newsmax reports,
incorrectly, “On a variety of issues from criminal justice reform to climate
change, Paul has partnered with Senate Democrats on legislation in an effort to
cast himself as a different kind of Republican.” Unless you count being one of
15 Republicans to vote for a purely symbolic, milquetoast amendment as
“partnering” on legislation, that simply isn’t true. Nor is it necessarily
true, as The New Republic’s
Rebecca Leber claims, that Paul’s vote on that amendment is an indication that
“Republicans will actually debate climate change in the 2016 primary.”
The sliver of truth to Foran’s story is that Paul wishes to appeal
to nontraditional Republican constituencies such as young voters and
minorities. Therefore, he gives interviews to liberals such as Maher and
Axelrod, which means having to answer questions about climate change. And since
he wants to appeal to voters who accept climate reality, he tries to minimize
his differences with them.
But reporters who cover these issues shouldn’t hype up his vague
answers as signs of a meaningful policy shift. Paul has not broken with his
party on climate change.
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