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My simple blog of pictures of travel, friends, activities and the Universe we live in as we go slowly around the Sun.



May 31, 2023

Last-minute rebellion

McCarthy tries to hold off last-minute rebellion over work requirements in debt deal

Senior Republicans sprang into action after an 11th hour CBO projection threatened to collapse Wednesday’s vote.

By MEREDITH LEE HILL

House Republican leaders are trying to stave off another wave of GOP defections just hours before a final vote on a deal to avert a national default — this time over the work requirements for aid programs that Republican leaders have publicly touted as a win for their party.

The latest rebellion was spurred by a Congressional Budget Office report released Tuesday night that estimates spending on the food aid program that Republicans attempted to cut during the debt ceiling negotiations would actually increase under the agreement reached by Speaker Kevin McCarthy and President Joe Biden. That has set off a firestorm among conservative lawmakers — threatening a larger revolt within their fractious caucus hours before a final vote on the legislation to raise the debt ceiling and avoid a default. With the help of Democratic votes, McCarthy still appeared poised to push the bill through the House later Wednesday — leaving an increasingly angry right flank of his caucus steaming over the GOP concessions.

In addition to expanding the age group of people on food aid subject to work requirements, the deal to raise the debt ceiling creates new exemptions from work requirements for veterans, homeless people and those aging out of the foster care system — something the White House pushed for in the negotiations. CBO analysts found that those series of work requirement changes will collectively increase spending on the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, the nation’s largest anti-hunger program for low-income people, by $2.1 billion.

“This is going to hurt with fiscal conservatives,” one House Republican member who planned to vote “no” on the bill texted from the closed-door House GOP caucus meeting just after the CBO report hit Tuesday night.

As word spread about the CBO report’s findings, texts, emails and calls from already restless rank-and-file members surged. Senior Republicans directed anxious members to Rep. Dusty Johnson (R-S.D.), who has helped push the work requirements policy during the talks. “Dusty has the answers,” was one reply from a senior Republican lawmaker.

While House Republican leaders and McCarthy allies sought to immediately tamp down the furor, reaching out to members late into the night to argue the CBO projections were wrong, their arguments failed to quell some far-right lawmakers’ concerns. One of the debt deal’s most visible critics, Rep. Chip Roy (R-Texas), blasted the bill’s “watered down work requirements that save $0” on Twitter Wednesday morning. Rep. Nancy Mace (R-S.C.) meanwhile issued a series of scathing tweets about how she “won’t be voting to expand government welfare today.”

Two GOP lawmakers, who were granted anonymity to discuss internal matters, said they worried the CBO projection could push members over the edge, or they could use it as cover to oppose a bill that’s deeply unpopular among several dozen GOP hardliners.

Realizing they needed to stanch the bleeding, GOP Conference Chair Elise Stefanik (R-N.Y.) and a lineup of more than half a dozen heavy-hitting senior Republicans quickly assembled a call with reporters to argue the CBO score used “weak information” and double-counted unhoused people, veterans and youth recently aged out of foster care who would be covered for the first time under the deal.

Stefanik argued the work requirements in the bill, including stricter measures for adults ages 50 to 54 without children, “will lift millions of Americans out of poverty and reenergize the workforce.”

House Agricultural Chair G.T. Thompson (R-Pa.), who oversees SNAP, said the CBO’s final funding estimate of the SNAP changes “should‘ve been a wash.”

Congressional Republicans have a longtime beef with CBO over the scoring of nutrition program spending and enrollment, but they knowingly rolled the dice with CBO analysts when they agreed to the exemptions sought by White House negotiators. Johnson also pushed back against Democratic arguments that work requirements don’t actually move people into the workforce, but only take away food aid. But, Johnson and other Republicans on the call did acknowledge that the push for stricter work requirements may cost more on “the front end,” by extending aid to certain groups before they can drop off the program and enter the workforce.

Some Republicans on the call defended the work requirements exemptions that the White House was able to insert during the negotiations — especially for former foster youth.

Rep. Patrick McHenry (R-N.C.), one of the Republicans who helped negotiate the deal, told reporters Wednesday that he generally agreed with some of the exemptions Democrats fought for, saying that the U.S. needs “more thoughtful public policy for those who are emerging from foster care.”

“This is something those of us that know something about foster care are deeply concerned about and that’s what we baked into this agreement,” McHenry said.

McCarthy has touted the new work requirements and other restrictions for SNAP and an emergency cash assistance program known as Temporary Assistance for Needy Families as one of the major wins for Republicans in the debt negotiations with Biden — especially since a wide swath of Democrats fiercely oppose such measures. The TANF changes in particular would hit low-income families with children.

In a closed-door caucus meeting Tuesday evening, McCarthy didn’t directly address the new CBO score, but he made clear to his members that the new work requirements for SNAP and TANF would have never passed through a Democratic-majority Senate on their own, and had to be forced through in the agreement with Biden, according to two lawmakers in the room, who were granted anonymity to discuss internal conversations.

White House negotiators knew the work requirement exemptions they secured during the negotiations with Republicans, would likely mean the total number of people covered under SNAP would remain the same — with the new populations covered by the exemptions offsetting the estimated 275,000 adults in their 50s without children who are likely to lose food aid under the deal. White House officials have been aggressively pushing that point with Hill Democrats as they try to secure enough votes for the legislation.

But not all Democratic lawmakers have been comforted by the push.

“This is a food benefit. So moving the deck chairs around and saying, you get food, but you don’t — that’s not a very convincing argument to me,” Rep. Jim McGovern (D-Mass.), the House’s leading anti-hunger advocate, said in an interview Tuesday. It’s also unclear to some lawmakers and anti-hunger advocates that the estimates on new SNAP beneficiaries, on paper, will actually bear out in reality, given the immense logistical challenge of signing up several hundred thousand new recipients, many unhoused and without documentation.

Democrats in the Senate are also still alarmed by the loss of food aid for hundreds of thousands of low-income Americans under the agreement, even if other vulnerable groups are successful in gaining new access.

Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.) in an interview called the bill “incredibly bad” and claimed Republicans were pushing the country to default unless they could take food away from children. Sen. John Fetterman (D-Pa.), who chairs the subcommittee overseeing SNAP, has seemingly threatened to oppose any bill that hit the program.

A spokesperson for Fetterman said he “is still reviewing the debt limit legislation to understand SNAP and the Pennsylvania-related impacts, and he’s requested more information on both.”

And there’s no chance at this point for Democrats to strip the SNAP work requirements from the bill, something a group of House Democrats is still trying to push.

Sen. Joe Manchin (D-W.Va.), a key swing vote, said in an interview Tuesday that he doesn’t support voting on any amendments in the Senate. (That also helps protect a key pipeline measure he’s included.) In the case that a SNAP amendment was to come up in the upper chamber. Manchin, who’s previously told POLITICO he supports welfare to work reform, would likely oppose it — killing its chances. Even if some Senate progressives ultimately vote “no,” the chamber is still likely to pass the legislation. If most Republicans vote in favor of the debt deal, they only need a dozen or so Senate Democrats to pass the bill.

VACATION!

 I will be on Vacation for a week, see you all on my return.. I am sure there will be lot's going on. See you later!

Russia’s doorstep

The war on Russia’s doorstep just got uncomfortably close

Opinion by Michael Bociurkiw

Those expecting that the upcoming Ukrainian counteroffensive will be a shock and awe bombing campaign similar to the 2003 US strikes on Iraq will be disappointed.

To be sure, there is a sort of unspoken pressure on the administration of Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky to press ahead with its planned counteroffensive as soon as possible – and demonstrate that the billions of dollars of Western military aid is capable of pushing Russian President Vladimir Putin at least back to pre-2022 full-scale invasion lines.

Ukrainian leaders and military planners need also to be mindful of developments across the Atlantic, where its most powerful ally, the United States, could see the return of Donald Trump in 2025 to the White House – and with that, a likely drop in support.

Yet Kyiv seems to be playing cagey, implementing a long-range view of the counteroffensive, avoiding being pressured into action and keeping battlefield plans close to its chest.

We already know Zelensky needs time to build up weapons stocks and to train troops.

But make no mistake. The much talked about counteroffensive is increasingly coming into view – not with an Iraq-style type of invasion – but with subtle and some might say brilliant strikes against Russia.

These started last week with a cross-border attack from anti-Putin Russian nationals in the Belgorod region, followed by strikes from Ukrainian armed forces on the Russian-occupied port city of Berdiansk.

Later in the week, US officials shed new light on the alleged drone attack on the Kremlin on May 3, claiming it was likely carried out by Ukrainian military or intelligence.

Then on Tuesday morning a drone attack on the Russian capital brought the conflict to Russian soil with fresh clarity. Moscow blamed Ukraine for what it described as a “terrorist attack,” while Kyiv denied involvement in the strike, which caused minor damage and injuries.

Whoever is to blame, one thing was for certain: it gave Moscow residents a taste of what people in the Ukrainian capital are facing day after day.

Indeed Russia continues to pound Kyiv with almost daily strikes - including terrifying drone attacks on Kyiv Monday and Tuesday morning, with the latest killing one and injuring at least three others.

For Russians, the war gets too close for comfort

But it was the incursion by two anti-Kremlin groups which claimed to have controlled, at least temporarily, 16 square miles of Russian territory last week, that set Ukrainian Telegram channels on fire.

Claimed to be acting independently of Ukrainian forces, the combatants’ provocation prompted a major evacuation and represented the most intense fighting inside Russia since the start of the full-scale invasion of Ukraine.

There are clearly chinks in Putin’s armor. Should these types of disruptive attacks increase in frequency and spread to other regions within Russia. One might speculate that they could lead to a tipping point for Putin’s hold on power.

The aim here appears not to actually occupy Russian land – but to send a message to Putin and the Russian public that the Ukraine war is a waste of blood and treasure.

There are more reasons for Russia to worry. With the acquisition of long range cruise missiles with stealth capabilities, such as Britain’s “Storm Shadow” missiles that can travel 155 miles, Kyiv now has the ability to strike well into Russian occupied territory and even into Russia itself. It’s way beyond the 49 mile capability of US-provided missiles.

While such a scenario may make officials in Washington anxious that it could escalate matters, European officials seem to be looking the other way as Kyiv becomes more aggressive in their shortlisting of Russian targets.

What is more, if Ukrainians are prevented from striking key military sites deep within Russian territory, then the question has to be asked: What is the point of this David and Goliath fight with one hand tied behind Kyiv’s back?

The latest incursions, if they were associated in any way with Kyiv, were executed with brilliant timing as they occurred when Russian forces are pre-occupied elsewhere along the frontline trying to gain territory and defend occupied lands.

The Russian Volunteer Corps (RVC) and the Freedom of Russia Legion appear to be Russian volunteers backing Ukraine and with the intent to topple Putin. Unlike the RVC, the Legion claims to be fighting under the leadership of Ukrainian command and “out of the wish of Russians to fight in the ranks of the Armed Forces of Ukraine against Putin’s armed gang.”

Just as word began to circle the globe about these two insurgent groups who had little name recognition – even among those of us who follow the region closely – the New York Times published a piece about the affiliation of a leader of the RVC to neo-Nazi splinter groups.

If proven true, it could be used by the Kremlin spin machine to paint Ukraine as a haven for Nazis, one of the false pretexts for the invasion.

Wisely, Zelensky and his inner circle have remained mostly quiet about the incursions.

Beginning of the end for Putin?

It is almost impossible to determine how big a threat, if any, the incursions represent to Putin. But it is hard to believe that the man who is reported to be traveling around his country in an armored train carriage instead of the presidential airplane is having restful nights, especially since the war has been going anything according to plan.

Even Wagner boss Yevgeny Prigozhin warned last week that Russians might move to topple the regime if the so-called “special military operation” continues to go sideways.

What is perhaps likely in the short term, is that Russia will use a hybrid strategy to attack Ukraine and make life uncomfortable for the West.

That means a continuation of the daily strikes on Kyiv and other major centers (which, by depriving residents of sleep, is a form of psychological warfare); the weaponization of food by restricting ships carrying grain and other agricultural products from Ukraine to western markets; and even the weaponization of migration by creating enough fear from drone and missile attacks to prevent the millions of Ukrainians refugees from returning home.

It is reasonable to assume that Putin will not end this war voluntarily, by submitting to a ceasefire or peace deal. Rather, Putin appears to believe he can win by running out the clock.

Collateral damage has never been a concern for Putin, only his own safety and power. Now, it seems the buffer between Moscow and the frontline, is rapidly shortening.

And with the war he started getting uncomfortably close, I believe Putin’s days in office could be numbered as well.

DNA unlocks secrets

4,000-year-old DNA unlocks secrets of the plague

By Madeline Holcombe

A team of researchers excavating mass burial sites in England have detected the DNA of the bacteria that caused the plague in human skeletal remains — and they are the oldest known cases of the disease in Great Britain.

The cases of Yersinia pestis date back 4,000 years, according to the paper published Tuesday in the journal Nature Communications.

The bacterial DNA is thousands of years more ancient than the oldest strain uncovered prior to this latest finding. That strain, identified in 2018 at a burial site known as Edix Hill in Cambridgeshire, was from 1,500 years ago, according to lead study author Pooja Swali, doctoral student in the Skoglund Laboratory at the Francis Crick Institute in London.

The samples of the plague-causing bacteria were found at two different mass burial sites: one in southwest England in the county of Somerset and the other in the northwestern county of Cumbria, near the border of England and Scotland.

The distance between the sites suggested the disease was widespread during the late Neolithic period and the Bronze Age, Swali said.

“The evidence of widespread transmission across such a vast spatial area in just a few centuries is very interesting and seems to be one aspect of the rapid movement of people, technologies and ideas during this period,” said Dr. Benjamin Roberts, an associate professor of archaeology who researches later European prehistory at Durham University in the United Kingdom. He was not involved in the study.

How do researchers locate 4,000-year-old bacteria? The team took samples from the skeletal remains of 34 individuals across the two sites, according to the study.

Researchers drilled into the teeth of these ancient people and extracted dental pulp, which can trap remnants of the DNA of infectious diseases.

“The ability to detect ancient pathogens from degraded samples, from thousands of years ago, is incredible,” Swali said. “These genomes can inform us of the spread and evolutionary changes of pathogens in the past, and hopefully help us understand which genes may be important in the spread of infectious diseases.”

What we learn about transmission

Using genetic analysis, researchers determined that there were two distinct periods when the plague appeared in Britain: The disease emerged before or around 4,000 years ago and again about 1,500 years ago, said Dr. Lee Mordechai, a senior lecturer of history at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, who was not involved in the study.

When it comes to the disease, there is a lot that scientists still don’t know — including how it spread, Swali said.

The strain of Yersinia pestis found at the burial sites did not contain the gene that would enable it to spread through fleas, a trait possessed by the strain causing the pandemic known as the Black Death that later ravaged medieval Europe in the 14th century, she added.

And science may never truly know the severity of the plague 4,000 years ago when it came to humans, Roberts said.

Researchers can’t tell whether the disease caused by the bacteria would have been mild or fatal, he added.  And the individuals in the Somerset site appeared to have died from trauma — not disease, according to the research.

“The temptation is always to theorise an apocalyptic Medieval Black Death scenario but we simply can’t justify that with the evidence we have,” Roberts said in an email.

Ancient DNA in modern times

The research does present lessons for today.

The findings demonstrate the importance of scholars working together across disciplines, as archaeologists and paleogeneticists did in this work, Mordechai said.

The report also shows that large-scale disease transmission dates back to prehistoric times, he added.

“More recent pandemics such as Covid, AIDS or the Spanish Flu are recent cases of a recurring phenomenon,” Mordechai said in an email.

And while there are historical records of plague outbreaks, ancient DNA could potentially give us a look even further back, Swali said.

“Future research will do more to understand how our genomes responded to such diseases in the past, and the evolutionary arms race with the pathogens themselves, which can help us to understand the impact of diseases in the present or in the future,” she said in a statement.

Self-inflicted economic disaster......

Debt deal avoids the really tough decisions

Analysis by Zachary B. Wolf

The US government took one step back from self-inflicted economic disaster on Tuesday.

House Republicans avoided the first attempt at assault by hardline conservatives, who are appalled at the bipartisan plan to suspend the debt ceiling until after the presidential election.

Many of the hardliners aren’t buying into the mirage that the deal to cut some spending for two years and seek to control it after that will have a meaningful effect on the size and scope of the federal deficit.

Accomplishing that larger goal would require meddling with the sacred cows of American government spending – from the Pentagon, Social Security and Medicare – which weren’t even part of this debt ceiling conversation.

President Joe Biden and House Speaker Kevin McCarthy have portrayed the debt ceiling bill as the best possible compromise achievable in the limited time before the Treasury Department is unable to meet its obligations, which could be as soon as June 5. And that could be, but it’s not coming without objections from the political left and right.

Bill passes first test but House math is a moving target
A key conservative, Rep. Thomas Massie of Kentucky, broke with two other hardliners on the Rules Committee to vote with McCarthy-aligned Republicans to pass the bill through the committee. Even if he ultimately opposes the deal, Massie argued the full House should have the opportunity to weigh in.

The debt is a motivating issue for Massie. He frequently wears a home-made real-time digital debt clock on his suit so that anyone who talks to him has to see the trillions of dollars stacking up.

But his decision to vote to let the bill go to the floor means the debt deal could pass through the House Wednesday, even if it needs help from the many Democrats who seem likely to support it.

It’s not clear how many Republicans will defy McCarthy and how many Democrats the minority leader, Hakeem Jeffries, can bring on board to make up the difference. Democrats said they expect Republicans to deliver the majority – at least 150 of the 218 votes needed for passage.

House progressives are divided over the deal. “President Biden quite frankly kicked McCarthy’s butt in negotiations. They wanted much more than they got; the president made sure they didn’t get those things. But it’s still a bad deal,” New York Rep. Jamaal Bowman, who hasn’t decided how he’ll vote, told CNN’s Manu Raju on Tuesday.

In the Senate, Minority Leader Mitch McConnell has backed the bill, signaling that – barring unforeseen circumstances – the deal could ultimately pass the chamber.

This will not fix the deficit
While the bill at hand will accomplish the important task of neutralizing the debt ceiling as a bargaining chip, it is not designed to do much of substance about controlling the spending that created the debt in the first place.

Lawmakers exempted spending on Social Security, which currently accounts for 19% of US spending; Medicare, 12% of spending; and national defense, 12% of spending, from the talks. Republicans rejected any suggestion of tax hikes.

The social safety net and national security are drivers of the deficit lifestyle that has created the $31.4 trillion national debt. They would have to be on the table to truly contain spending.

According to a Congressional Budget Office analysis released Tuesday night, the bill would reduce budget deficits by $1.5 trillion over a decade. By contrast, the debt limit legislation passed by House Republicans in late April would have cut deficits by $4.8 trillion, according to the agency.

But CBO’s score presents a potential problem for McCarthy. The work requirements provisions in the package would boost enrollment in the food stamps program by 78,000 people in an average month when fully implemented, as well as increase spending by $2.1 billion over the decade.

A spit over what should be on the table
CNN’s Jake Tapper asked a Democrat – Rep. Jason Crow – and a Republican – Rep. Ken Buck – who represent very different viewpoints from Colorado why defense spending was not just exempted from cuts but will see an increase.

“I do not think it’s a good idea to freeze everything else, but allow increases in the defense budget,” said Crow. But he added, “Democrats do not control the House of Representatives right now. Republicans do. They have established that as a red line, and we’re trying to negotiate as best we can to prevent a national default.”

Buck, who said he will oppose the debt deal, wants to see both social spending and defense spending on the table.

“There is a lot of fat at the Department of Defense that we can cut,” he told Tapper. “Procurement process and other areas we should be looking at very hard.”

There is a growing divide in the GOP between hardline fiscal conservatives and those who want to protect defense and social spending.

Protecting Medicare and Social Security has been the blood oath of Democrats, who have long tried to motivate voters with accusations that Republicans are trying to take those social programs away.

This year, however, it is Republican presidential candidates like Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis and former President Donald Trump who are trying to outdo each other with pledges to protect that spending.

Trump, who enjoys enormous sway with House Republicans, had encouraged negotiators to hold out for as much in the way of cuts as possible and even suggested a debt default would be no big deal. McCarthy talked to him about negotiations in the days before the deal was announced, but Trump has been noticeably silent about it.

DeSantis, meanwhile, slammed it. And after his first official campaign event on Tuesday, the Florida governor called on Trump to take a position.

“I mean, are you leading from the front or are you waiting for polls to tell you what position to take?” DeSantis told reporters following his remarks in Iowa.

McCarthy could face a reckoning
Anger over the deal could have repercussions within the GOP generally and for McCarthy personally.

As he tried to secure the gavel in January, he agreed to give any member the power to challenge his position as speaker. That could mean angry hardline conservatives like Rep. Dan Bishop of North Carolina.

“None. Zero,” Bishop told CNN’s Manu Raju when he asked if Bishop had any confidence in the speaker. “What basis is there for confidence? You cannot forfeit the tool of Republican unity.”

The political arm of the conservative Heritage Foundation announced it would penalize Republicans who vote for the deal.

“This debt ceiling deal does little to get at the root problems that have led to nearly $32 trillion in debt,” it said in a statement.

But that is exactly the problem of using the debt ceiling as leverage to control spending, according to Democrats. It creates a desperate situation.

“Why is there a hostage situation where the American economy has been taken hostage in the first place?” asked Rep. Gregorio Casar, a progressive Democrat from Texas, during an appearance on CNN. “Why is the president having to make any sort of ransom payment?”

We’ve seen versions of this movie before
If controlling the debt were easy, lawmakers would have done it already. CNN’s Tami Luhby has an excellent flashback to 2011, the last time there was a near default, when then-President Barack Obama, a Democrat, and then-House Speaker John Boehner, a Republican, were in power.

Congress hatched a plan to enact painful cuts – known as sequestration – as a sort of incentive to push legislators to unite behind a “big deal” to control spending. When the big deal fell through, lawmakers spent years unraveling the painful cuts.

Most people aren’t opposed to cuts. At least not in theory.

The vast majority of the country (84%) wants the debt ceiling raised, according to a CNN poll conducted by SSRS and released last week, before a deal was announced. Only a small minority – 15% – of Americans said Congress should not do so under any circumstances. The 60% who said a debt ceiling hike should come with spending cuts might find something to like in this deal.

And the poll suggests the country may be less overtly partisan and more moderate than the sniping of its politicians often makes it seem. A larger portion – 41% – classify themselves as independents or members of another party rather than Republicans (30%) or Democrats (29%).

Those are relatively abstract questions. Opinions will be scrambled when lawmakers get around to the kind of across-the-board discussion that includes social spending, defense spending and tax rates that could have a real impact on the deficit.

Turning point with AI

We’ve reached a turning point with AI, expert says

By Jessica Chia and Bethany Cianciolo

Ever since ChatGPT was released last November, artificial intelligence has been thrust into the spotlight, sparking enormous excitement and debate over the possibilities.

ChatGPT, along with other AI tools like DALL-E, Midjourney, Stable Diffusion and Bard, racked up millions of users, who utilized them to write emails, plan their vacations, impersonate musicians, produce campaign ads and even design buildings.

While tech giants like Bill Gates have touted the possibility that artificial intelligence can reduce global inequality or fight climate change, the technology has also prompted a lot of fear and anxiety: Will AI replace millions of jobs? Will disinformation become even more widespread? Will general purpose AI — AI that is as capable as humans — eventually take over the world?

We talked to Stuart Russell, a computer science professor at the University of California, Berkeley who co-authored the textbook, “Artificial Intelligence: A Modern Approach,” about the promises and risks of AI, and whether it’s possible to ensure it remains safe and within our control.

Russell said large language models like ChatGPT, which are trained on massive amounts of data and can summarize, process and generate language, could move us one step closer to general purpose intelligence.

“If we really had general purpose AI, we could have much better health care, much better education, amazing new forms of entertainment and literature and new forms of art that don’t exist yet,” Russell said.

But it’s impossible to tell if the large language models are safe because no one truly understands how they work: “We don’t know if they reason; we don’t know if they have their own internal goals that they’ve learned or what they might be.”

Russell has called for rebuilding AI on a different foundation to ensure our control over the technology — but that doesn’t solve the potential issue of AI systems falling into the hands of malign forces.

Russell also worries about humans becoming too dependent on the technology, and then losing “the incentive to learn and to be capable of anything. And that, I think, would be another form of catastrophe,” he said.

Read our conversation below, which has been edited and condensed for clarity.

CNN: As someone who has been in the field and studied AI for many decades, how does it feel to have AI be such a huge topic of interest all of a sudden?

STUART RUSSELL: AI has been around as a discipline since 1956. And there’s always been a confusion between the discipline, which is the problem of making machines intelligent, and the artifacts that it produces.

Right now, what a lot of people are excited about are large language models. They are a product of AI, but they are not AI. It’s sort of like confusing physics with cell phones, right? Cell phones are a product of physics – they’re not the same thing as physics.

And as a researcher inside the field, when I read things, I want to say, “No, no, you’re getting it completely wrong.” Probably the biggest confusion that we see is that a lot of writers talk about the big question as being: Are these things conscious? Nobody in the field actually has any answers to those kinds of questions and they are irrelevant to the issue of whether AI systems pose a risk to humanity.

Within the field, what we think about is, for example, does this particular technology constitute part of a solution to the longstanding problem of creating general purpose intelligent systems, which roughly means systems that are capable of quickly learning high-performance behavior in any kind of task environment where the human intellect is relevant.

And I think most people within the field believe that the large language models are part of the solution. One metaphor that I find helpful is to think about a jigsaw puzzle. And, if we can fit it all together, we’ll have general purpose intelligent systems. And we think that these large language models are one piece of that jigsaw puzzle, but we haven’t yet figured out what shape that piece is, and so we don’t know how to fit it together with the other pieces. And the reason we haven’t figured out what shape the piece is, is because we have really no idea what’s going on inside.

So what do we know about how these large language models work? Do we know anything about how they work?

Russell: To a first approximation? No. That sounds weird, but I can tell you how to make one. So first of all, what is a large language model from the outside? It’s a system that is given a sequence of words as input, and it basically predicts what the next word is going to be, and will then output that next word if you ask it to.

And to make that prediction, it starts out with — think of it as a chain-link fence. And every little link in that circuit is tunable. And as you tune those connection strengths in the circuit, the output of the circuit will change. And say that circuit has about a trillion links — a chain-link fence covering 500 square miles. And then you are training it with 20 or 30 trillion words, and you’re just tweaking all those links to get it to be good at predicting the next word. And then you hope for the best.

If you train on all that, all those trillions of words of text, you get a system that behaves very badly. It’ll give you advice on how to make chemical weapons — it has no constraints on its behavior.

Then there’s another phase, which is a relatively new thing called reinforcement learning from human feedback. But that’s just a technical term for saying, “Good dog!” and “Bad dog!” So whenever it says something it’s not supposed to, you say, ”Bad dog!” and then that causes more tweaks to happen to all those connections in that huge network. And you hope that next time it won’t do that.

How they work, we don’t know. We don’t know if they know things. We don’t know if they reason; we don’t know if they have their own internal goals that they’ve learned or what they might be.

Because they’re being trained to imitate the behavior of human beings, all that text is human linguistic behavior, and the humans who generated that text had purposes. The natural place you’re going to end up is an entity with similar kinds of goals.

I love the good dog, bad dog metaphor that you gave. That’s really helpful when you try to think about how these complex systems work. Going back a little bit, could you explain to someone who does not study AI what it is exactly?

Russell: Artificial intelligence is the problem of how we make machines intelligent. What is intelligence? For most of the history of the field, the meaning of intelligence has been that the system’s actions can be expected to achieve the system’s objectives. So for example, if you have a navigation app on your phone and you say, “Get me to the airport,” then you would hope that the directions that it gives you will tend to lead you to the airport, right?

So it’s this notion of systems that have objectives, and then how well do they achieve those objectives through the actions that they choose? That’s the core notion of intelligence that we’ve been using in the field since the beginning.

And can you speak to the history of AI and its development since the 1950s, and how the technology has really advanced over the years?

Russell: Since the 1950s, AI as a field has produced a number of different technologies that are useful for building intelligent systems. And roughly speaking, the biggest division is between what we call machine learning — which are systems that learn through their own experience to improve their achievement of objectives — and other kinds of approaches that don’t involve learning.

So, for example, the navigation app doesn’t do any learning and it wasn’t created by learning. It was created by computer scientists figuring out good algorithms for finding short paths to an objective on a map.

In the 1950s, the first significant machine learning program was developed by a gentleman called Arthur Samuel. And that system learned to play checkers by itself — when it won against itself, it would tweak various parameters in the program to reward whatever it was that it did. And if it lost, it would tweak them to avoid doing that again.

It actually became much better at playing checkers than Samuel was. It didn’t reach a world champion level, but it still became a pretty impressive checkers-playing program. And it was actually shown on television in 1956 and caused an uproar comparable, I would say, to what’s going on now with ChatGPT.

And in fact, people later wrote about the possibility that if this technology continued along these directions, that it would present a threat.

So learning technologies in particular have always seemed to be particularly threatening, scary, or at least unpredictable, because although we set the direction for learning, we can’t predict what the outcome is going to be.

Another big class of technologies that started becoming popular around the late 1960s through the mid-1980s are what are called knowledge-based systems. One particular type was called the expert system, where the knowledge was extracted from experts. So it could be knowledge about the components of a jet engine and how they fit together and what kinds of things go wrong with them and so on. And then you could use that to fix a jet engine when it goes wrong.

And in the mid-1980s, expert systems became a very promising technology with lots of startup companies and lots of investment. But it turned out that the technology was not sufficiently robust to work in many of these applications.

From the late 1980s onward, there were actually two important developments that happened. One was a new technology for reasoning under uncertainty using probability theory, which assigns potential outcomes a number from 0 to 1 based on how likely they are. And there have been many developments and improvements on those ideas since then.

Then the other direction was a revival of neural networks — a particular kind of learning algorithm first explored in the 1950s and 1960s that drew inspiration from the network of neurons in the human brain. But they were extremely limited in what they could do. In the late 1980s, we developed methods that would allow the training of larger neural networks (large language models like ChatGPT are a type of neural network).

So again, coming back to this picture of a chain-link fence where every link is adjustable. As you tune all those connection strengths, that changes the output of the network. And we developed algorithms that allowed us to tune the connection strengths of all the links, even if the fence was very large. And that was a big step forward, meaning that we could now train networks that could recognize objects in images, that could recognize words from a speech signal and so on.

There are a few other big areas of work in AI. There’s robotics, which is both how do you make a physical robot that can actually do something useful in the world and then how do you program it? There’s computer vision, which enables machines to perceive the visual world through algorithms that analyze images and video. There are more specific application areas such as medical diagnosis, game playing, and so on. The variety is endless, because the human mind is so varied in what it can do.

We have a lot of big tech names touting the promises of AI, and then we have skeptics who are looking at some of the outputs from ChatGPT and saying it doesn’t necessarily show that it has its own goals — maybe it’s just spouting out random things. Would you say we are at a turning point at this moment? How much of this is hype? How much of this is an actual technological turning point?

Russell: I think it’s really difficult to say. I’ve been mostly skeptical of the large language models as a route to real intelligence.

But having said that, if you read the paper from Microsoft called “Sparks of Artificial General Intelligence,” there are two members of the US National Academies in the author list and several other people who made a lot of contributions to AI.

They spent several weeks working with GPT-4, the latest version of ChatGPT, trying to figure out what it can and can’t do. The researchers wrote, “We demonstrate that, beyond its mastery of language, GPT-4 can solve novel and difficult tasks that span mathematics, coding, vision, medicine, law, psychology and more, without needing any special prompting.” So, they’ve had a lot more experience with it than almost anybody. And for them to say that it shows sparks of artificial general intelligence — that is a pretty shocking development.

So I think it is a turning point — definitely it’s a turning point in public perception, because there are lots of kinds of AI that are very much in the background. When you make any kind of credit card purchase, often there’s an AI system trying to figure out if it’s a fraudulent transaction, for example. So there are lots of places like that where AI is kind of invisible.

And then there were things that became more visible for short periods, like Deep Blue beating Garry Kasparov at chess in 1997, which was a big front page headline moment that was on the nightly news. But what tends to happen is that people say, “Okay, well that’s impressive. But this is just one narrow application and it doesn’t mean that real AI is around the corner.”

So those events, they come and go like fireworks.

This ChatGPT — it’s in your face. It is not general purpose AI, but it’s giving people a taste of what it would be like. General purpose AI will be completely transformative when it does happen.

If on one end of the spectrum, you have the more rudimentary technology in the 1950s, where it can play checkers fairly well, and then on the other end, you have AI systems that are as intelligent as humans, if not more intelligent, where would you place us in this moment?

Russell: I think that that’s a very reasonable question to ask, but there’s sort of two problems in answering it. So one is we haven’t the faintest idea, right?

Yeah. And one end of the spectrum is still hypothetical at this moment in time. So I should add that as a caveat.

Russell: Yeah. Since we don’t know what’s going on inside the large language models, it’s very hard to say. Do we really have pieces of the puzzle? There’s a phrase “stochastic parrot,” which some of the critics have used. So stochastic means that it’s slightly random and unpredictable, which is correct. Because if you ask it the same thing twice, it might give you a slightly different output, and parrot just meaning that it’s really just repeating things that it’s read without understanding.

So, I’d say it’s more than just a parrot. Think about a piece of paper. So here’s a piece of paper, and I could read a paragraph. But anyone who thinks this piece of paper is intelligent — they’re just confused, right? The piece of paper sounds intelligent because the piece of paper is carrying information from someone who is intelligent.

And so where are the large language models between a piece of paper and a human? We don’t know. Are they really just very clever pieces of paper because of this training process? And I think we also have to factor in the tendency of humans to assume that anything that can produce coherent, grammatical, sophisticated text is intelligent. When we see this stuff coming out of ChatGPT, you can’t help but think that there’s intelligence behind it.

If you strip out all the effect of the coherent, grammatically correct, elegant, sophisticated prose and look underneath, how much intelligence is left? We just can’t do that because we can’t inoculate ourselves against this effect of perceiving intelligence.

It has thousands or millions of games of chess in its training data. But every so often, maybe by the time you get to move 18, your sequence of moves is sufficiently different from anything in its training data that it’ll just output a move that makes no sense at all. And we call it hallucination.

But it might actually be that they’re hallucinating all the time and that most of the time they happen to agree with the training data, and so they sound plausible. But perhaps in reality it doesn’t have any internal world model. And it’s not answering questions relative to its understanding of the world the way we do.

But I think there’s enough evidence that something is going on to convince me that it’s a piece of the puzzle of general purpose intelligence. We just don’t know exactly which piece. We don’t know how to fit it into the puzzle.

So in terms of thinking about how AI can solve some of our greatest problems, what are the promises there?

Russell: Why do things cost money? It’s largely because to produce them requires the time of other human beings. And so if all that time is free because it’s now an AI system, or its robotic extension, then we can deliver a high quality of life to everybody on earth.

I think most people would say that would be a good thing.

If we really had general purpose AI, we could have much better health care, much better education, amazing new forms of entertainment and literature and new forms of art that don’t exist yet. Even if it turns out that we need trillions of dollars to build the next generations of these systems, I think we will see those trillion-dollar investments happening.

There are also many upsides from the intermediate points on the way toward general purpose intelligence. Self-driving cars — if they work and they’re widespread, you might save, I think there are 1.35 million lives lost in car crashes every year. So you could save those 1.35 million lives if we get it right. So there are many, many, many examples like that of potential benefits.

But we need to address the risks.

Russell: Let me start with the present and the risk of systems that are already out there in the world. I think the biggest risk or the biggest downsides that we’ve already seen probably come from the social media algorithms. Generically they’re called recommender systems, and what they do is they choose what you read and what you see.

So they have more control over human cognitive intake than any empire or any dictator in history, and yet are completely unregulated, which is a strange situation that we find ourselves in.

These algorithms, I think, have learned to manipulate people progressively over time into more predictable versions of themselves. That would then lead to a sort of polarization — that people would be starting out in the middle and ending up somewhere at the extremes. And then you have people living in different universes from each other because of disinformation — until recently it’s mostly been humans supplying the disinformation with the algorithms amplifying it. With AI, there can be automated generation of disinformation tailored specifically for individuals.

I think there are many examples of systems learning to function in discriminatory ways. Whether it’s by race or by gender, those systems are getting used in important areas like resume filtering. So you might apply for 100 jobs and not get a single interview, and there’s just something on your resume that causes the systems to spit it out.

There’s also a lot of misuse. There’s already automated blackmail — systems that read your emails, figure out that you’re doing something you shouldn’t be doing and then start blackmailing you with that information on a mass customized basis. That’s a real problem.

The impact on employment is another thing that people are very worried about.

I think right now the technology’s not reliable enough because of things like hallucination. CEOs ask me, “Well where can I use this in my organization?” I say, “Anywhere you currently use a psychotic 6 year old who lives in a fantasy world, sure go ahead and replace that 6 year old with a large language model.” If I’m an insurance company, if it’s going to talk to my customers, it can’t promise to insure a house on Pluto. So how do you make them reliable and truthful? And that’s what people are working on.

Once you do that, then you really can start to replace a lot of human workers.

Another big concern is in education, right? How on earth do you motivate students to learn, to think and to learn to write arguments and essays and so on when ChatGPT can already do it in two seconds? It’s as if a tsunami just arrived in pretty much every sector of our society.

Then there is this general phenomenon of what we call misalignment, which is that the objectives that the systems are pursuing are not aligned with the interests of human beings. So as you make systems that are more and more capable, if they’re misaligned, then you’re basically creating a chess match between humanity and a machine that’s pursuing this misaligned objective. So this is the big question that many researchers, including myself, have been focused on. I’ve been thinking about this for about a decade now: If you make systems that are more powerful than human beings, how do human beings maintain power over those systems forever?

I know you argue for building AI systems so that they respond to our objectives rather than pursuing their own objectives. I’m just curious, given the developments in the past few years, do you think that’s still possible?

Russell: Yeah, so it’s a good question. I think the work that has been done along these lines has moved ahead quite slowly.

What do we, the human race, want the future to be? It’s really hard to figure that out. And of course, there are 8 billion of us, and we all want somewhat different things. So maybe the right approach is not to put in fixed objectives, but to say that the AI system is supposed to help us with the future that we want, but it starts out not knowing what that is.

And so it turns out that you can actually build AI systems that have those properties, but they’re very different from the kinds of AI systems that we know how to build. All the technology that we’ve built so far is based on this idea of putting in a fixed objective, and then the machinery figures out how to achieve the objective.

So we have to develop AI all over again on this different foundation. And we have a long way to go to redevelop all of the theory, all of the algorithms, and then start producing practical systems that will then have to compete in the marketplace.

I think there are estimates saying there are fewer than 100 people in the world working on this. Meanwhile, you’ve got tens of billions of dollars going into the old-fashioned approach to AI — the one that doesn’t work right in the long run, that produces misaligned and eventually perhaps catastrophic consequences.

So I think it’s difficult, but governments around the world are waking up to this. When there’s legislation, I think there will have to be a very serious engagement with what it means to make these systems safe. And as far as I can see, given that we don’t know how they work, there’s no way to show that large language models and their descendants are safe.

So do you think that companies should be forced to be transparent about those tweaks inside the black box?

Russell: Well, it wouldn’t matter if they were transparent about it because they don’t understand how it works. It’s not that we don’t understand. They don’t understand. So they could surely say, here are the trillion parameters in our network. And in fact, there are several systems that are already public. But that doesn’t help if we can’t understand their internal principles of operation.

Going back to regulation, we see governments, at least in the US anyway, struggling to regulate social media. And then you have these companies that have an obvious financial interest in driving forward with AI developments. Can we realistically expect there to be some sort of international governing body or regulation put in place?

Russell: When I mentioned a failure of regulation, the failure is to simply not do anything about it. It’s not enough to subscribe to a set of principles — they have no teeth until they’re turned into regulation.

So I think what’s probably going to happen is that all the major countries are going to need regulatory agencies, just like the Federal Aviation Administration for aviation, or the Nuclear Regulatory Commission for nuclear power. Those agencies have devolved powers, so Congress is not debating the details of large language models and exactly what kind of safety criteria should be applied.

I think most countries are going to set up agencies like that for AI, and then there will need to be some kind of coordination mechanism for all of those agencies. Because the last thing you want is for all of the developers to move to whichever country has the most lax regulation, right? We have this problem with taxes and people go to Luxembourg and Cayman Islands and so on.

I’d say at the moment, the United States is the most lax in terms of regulation. There’s a bit of a patchwork — California has a law saying AI systems can’t impersonate humans for the purpose of convincing them to vote for a particular candidate in an election. Great. Okay. There’s a lot more that needs to be done, and you can’t do this on a piecemeal, state-by-state approach.

So I think this is what’s going to happen, but all of this takes time. I wasn’t involved in writing the open letter calling for an immediate pause on training AI systems more powerful than GPT-4, but I think that was the concern underlying it — that we need things to move faster, to make sure that the regulatory environment is in place before uncontrollable general purpose AI emerges.

So that’s not inevitable then — if we get the right regulations in place, we can stop AI from becoming more intelligent than humans?

Russell: Well, the goal is not to stop it from becoming more intelligent than humans. The goal is that as it becomes more powerful, we enforce certain design constraints that result in it being controllable and it being safe. Airplanes go faster than people, but they have to be safe in order for you to be carrying passengers in them. And you can make them as fast as you want.

I think there are other reasons to be concerned about making systems more intelligent than humans, mostly to do with our own self-conception. Even if they are safe and beneficial and so on, what does it do to our conception of ourselves and our motivation and the structure of our society when everything that we’re benefiting from is being produced by the machines and no longer by us?

I don’t know if you’ve seen the film “Wall-E” — because we’ve destroyed our own planet, humanity is left on these giant spaceships run by robots. And since the robots have taken over the management of civilization, there’s no incentive for humans to learn how to run our civilization.

And so it shows humans becoming infantilized and enfeebled. It’s showing a tendency in our civilization, I think, which would massively accelerate if we have general purpose AI, which is to become dependent on the technology and then lose the incentive to learn and to be capable of anything. And that, I think, would be another form of catastrophe.

What is your hope for the future?

Russell: So I hope that we get enough regulation in place that the developers of these systems take seriously their responsibility to understand how they work and ensure that they work in safe and predictable ways. And that the further development of those systems goes hand in hand with more understanding and much more rigorous regulation. In the long run, the next problem we’re going to face is that even though we may understand how to build perfectly safe general purpose AI, what’s to stop Dr. Evil building general purpose AI that’s going to destroy the world?

And you might first think, okay, well we’ll have very strict laws about that, but we have very strict laws about malware and cybercrime, and yet malware and cybercrime are hardly extinct. So the only way to do it actually is to change our whole digital infrastructure. What the digital infrastructure does now is it runs anything unless it recognizes it is dangerous. If you have anti-virus software on your laptop and a known virus gets downloaded, the system will detect it and remove it. But what we need, actually, is for systems to work the other way around — we need to ensure that the hardware and the operating system won’t run anything unless it knows that it’s safe.

That’s a big change in the whole global digital ecosystem, but I think it’s the only solution.

Shelling and drone strikes hit inside Russia’s border

Ukraine war takes new turn as shelling and drone strikes hit inside Russia’s border

By Rob Picheta and Anna Chernova

Russia saw the effects of its war on Ukraine dramatically reverberate back onto its own territory on Wednesday, after a “massive” shelling attack injured four people in Belgorod and preliminary information indicated a drone crashed and sparked a fire at an oil refinery further south.

Eight apartment buildings, four homes, a school and two administrative buildings were damaged during the shelling in Shebekino, a village in the border region of Belgorod, its governor said, as the oblast increasingly becomes a hotbed of straying violence.

Earlier on Tuesday night, Gladkov said one person was killed and two were injured in an attack on a temporary accommodation center.

And a drone crashed at the Ilsky oil refinery in the Krasnodar region, east of the annexed territory of Crimea, starting a fire in the early hours of Wednesday morning, local officials there said. The blaze was put out soon after.

The incidents come one day after a drone attack on Moscow, for which Russia has blamed Ukraine. All eight aircraft-type unmanned aerial vehicles launched at the Russian capital were destroyed, the Russian Ministry of Defense said in a statement.

Kyiv has not yet commented on the drone attack or on Wednesday’s incidents in Belgorod and Krasnodar. The Ukrainian government generally does not confirm or deny strikes inside Russian territory.

Elsewhere on Wednesday, a drone attack was launched on Russia’s Bryansk region, state news agency RIA Novosti reported. About 10 drones tried to attack the Klimovsky district and were shot down or intercepted, RIA reported citing emergency services.

The string of events – following last week’s incursion on Belgorod by anti-Putin Russians who had been fighting alongside the Ukrainian military – mark a new turn in a conflict that is increasingly coming home to Russian people, 15 months after Moscow launched its unprovoked invasion of Ukraine.

Five people were also killed and 19 injured in Ukrainian shelling of the village of Karpaty, in the Russian-occupied Ukrainian territory of Luhansk, the acting head of the self-declared Luhansk People’s Republic said on Telegram.

Russian officials reacted on Wednesday with a predictable array of anger. Taking about the situation in Belgorod, Kremlin spokesperson Dmitry Peskov told CNN in a regular call with journalists on Wednesday: “We are indeed concerned about this situation, shelling of civilian objects continues there.”

“In this case, too, by the way, we have not heard a single word of condemnation from anyone from the collective West, so far,” Peskov said. “The situation is rather alarming. Measures are being taken.”

“I woke up from explosions and the sound of shattering glass,” a woman in Belgorod told Russian news outlet Izvestia. “My husband and I jumped up immediately and ran to the bathroom … and now we’re wandering. The city center is all scattered.”

On Tuesday, Russian President Vladimir Putin blamed Ukraine for the drone attack in the Moscow region, calling it a “clear sign of terrorist activity.” Putin claimed that “Kyiv chose the path of intimidation of Russian citizens and attacks on residential buildings.”

Putin said Tuesday the city’s air defenses worked normally but there was still “work to be done to make it better.” Asked to clarify the Russian president’s remarks, Peskov said: “The system worked effectively, but there is room for improvement. Work will continue to improve the air defense system.”

The Freedom for Russia Legion, a group that claimed responsibility for last week’s raid in Belgorod, posted an “additional” recruitment drive for drone pilots on its Telegram channel following a drone attack on Moscow on Tuesday. The legion, made up of Russian citizens who are fighting in Ukraine against their motherland, joked: “Graduates of the course will have the opportunity to practice their skills.”

But early signals from the West indicated that it had little patience for the Kremlin’s efforts to frame the narrative.

“The ‘Russia is the victim’ argument is so tired and so ridiculous that even the Russian people must see it for what it is – an overused and desperate retort by the Kremlin to try and explain its litany of strategic mistakes that have decimated Russia’s once proud global reputation,” UK military adviser Ian Stubbs said during a Wednesday speech in Vienna.

The incidents come as Ukraine prepares a much-anticipated counter-offensive against Russian forces, and follows days of missile bombardments on Kyiv and other Ukrainian cities by Moscow.

On Monday Russia appeared to change its tactics by striking Kyiv with rockets and missiles during the day, hours after a separate wave of strikes overnight.

Are Livid......

Environmentalists Are Livid Over Tentative Debt-Ceiling Deal

Inclusion of fast-tracked gas pipeline is seen as “an egregious act.”

OLIVER MILMAN

The deal to raise the US debt ceiling will have significant ramifications for the climate and nature, by fast-tracking a controversial gas pipeline in West Virginia and limiting the scope of environmental reviews for future developments, environmentalists have warned.

The agreement struck between Joe Biden and Republicans who control the House of Representatives states the Mountain Valley pipeline is “required in the national interest” and should be issued its necessary permits within 21 days and be shielded from legal challenge by those who object to it.

Environmentalists reacted in outrage at the deal, arguing the 300-mile pipeline, which will bring fracked gas from West Virginia to southern Virginia, will endanger hundreds of waterways, threaten landscapes including the nearby Appalachian trail, and worsen the climate crisis.

“Singling out the Mountain Valley pipeline for approval in a vote about our nation’s credit limit is an egregious act,” said Peter Anderson, Virginia policy director at Appalachian Voices, a campaign group that has charted hundreds of environmental violations by the project across the two states. “By attempting to suspend the rules for a pipeline company that has repeatedly polluted communities’ water and flouted the conditions in its permits, the president and Congress would deny basic legal protections, procedural fairness, and environmental justice to communities along the pipeline’s path.”

The pipeline was recently provided a key approval by the federal government to go through a stretch of forest but is currently stymied by court action that has dogged it for years. Mountain Valley has just 20 miles left to complete but is several years behind schedule due to opposition from green groups and nearby residents who risk having their land taken for the project.

However, Joe Manchin, the West Virginia senator, coal baron and the Senate’s leading beneficiary of campaign donations from gas pipeline interests, has vigorously lobbied for the pipeline’s construction and appears to have prevailed in his quest. Manchin, a centrist Democrat, is considered a valued swing vote in an evenly divided Senate.

“I am pleased speaker [Kevin] McCarthy and his leadership team see the tremendous value in completing the [Mountain Valley pipeline] to increase domestic energy production and drive down costs across America and especially in West Virginia,” Manchin said in a statement that did not mention Biden. “I am proud to have fought for this critical project and to have secured the bipartisan support necessary to get it across the finish line.”

The White House has framed the debt ceiling deal as one that has protected Biden’s key climate achievements, such as the numerous provisions for clean energy support in last year’s Inflation Reduction Act, which Republicans were keen to strip away in negotiations.

But the agreement does not include any measures to accelerate the expansion of electricity transmission, a crucial factor in whether the shift to renewables will actually materialize, while acceding to Republican demands to curtail the environmental reviews of developments such as oil and gas pipelines.

Under the deal, reviews under the National Environmental Policy Act, the US’s first national environmental law, will be limited to just two years for federal projects.

Environmental groups, already angered by Biden’s ongoing embrace of large fossil fuel projects, such as the recently approved Willow oil drilling operation in Alaska, said these provisions mean that Democrats should block the debt deal when it is voted upon in Congress this week.

“President Biden made a colossal error in negotiating a deal that sacrifices the climate and working families,” said Jean Su, energy justice program director at the Center for Biological Diversity. “Congress should reject these poison pills and pass a clean debt ceiling bill.”

Designed All Wrong

Federal EV Incentives Are Designed All Wrong, Experts Say

Program needs to reward prodigious drivers who ditch gas-guzzlers.

KATE YODER

Given America’s penchant for gas-guzzling pickup trucks and SUVs, you might be surprised to learn that the country’s gasoline usage is going down, maybe for good. Even though only about 1 percent of cars on the road today are electric, some say the United States has already passed “peak gasoline”—the pivotal moment when the fuel’s use finally begins a permanent decline after a century of growth. 

Gasoline consumption has not fully bounced back to levels seen before local governments began lockdowns in the face of the COVID-19 pandemic, when millions of people stopped driving to work every day. Back in the pre-pandemic year of 2018, Americans burned an average of 392 million gallons of gasoline, more than one gallon every day for every person in the country. Since that annual peak, a combination of remote work, high gas prices, and fuel economy standards that require that new cars get better gas mileage have diminished demand. To stay profitable, oil refiners have cut back on production.

Demand for gasoline this year could end up at around 366 million gallons per day, down 7 percent from 2018, according to analysis provided to Grist by the Rocky Mountain Institute, a clean energy research and advocacy nonprofit. With recent policies like the Inflation Reduction Act offering a tax credit of up to $7,500 for an electric vehicle and the Biden administration’s new emissions rules—which require two-thirds of new passenger vehicles be electric by 2031—gasoline demand could decrease almost a quarter by 2030, according to the research group, compared to current levels.

That’s still not fast enough to hit important targets to slash greenhouse gases, says Janelle London, the co-executive director of Coltura, an organization advocating for the end of gasoline. “Scientists are saying that we have to cut emissions from all sources in half by 2030 to avoid the worst impacts of climate change, and gasoline use just is not on track,” she said.

The majority of the country’s transportation-related carbon emissions come from burning gasoline in cars, trucks, and SUVs. And transportation is currently the country’s largest source of pollution. London says that the fastest way to cut consumption is to target electric vehicle incentives toward “gasoline superusers”: the 10 percent of population that drives the most and guzzles nearly a third of the country’s gas. 

That’s not who’s buying electric vehicles right now. The typical EV driver is likely to be among those who drive the least, London said. “The only way we’re going to solve this near-term problem is to get the biggest gasoline users to switch to EVs, like, now, as soon as possible.” California, for instance, is on track for a 10 percent cut in gasoline use by 2030, far from its goal of halving gasoline use by the end of the decade. If superusers in California bought electric vehicles before everyone else, it would result in a steep, 43 percent drop that would move the state much closer to its climate goals.

London says that federal tax credits in the Inflation Reduction Act “could be much better designed,” and she’s not the only one who thinks so. Ashley Nunes, director of federal climate policy at the Breakthrough Institute, an environmental research center, says the credits aren’t necessarily prompting people to give up their gas-powered cars. They’re just adding another vehicle. An estimated 44 percent of households with an electric vehicle have at least two other cars, if not three—nearly all of which run on gas. “First and foremost, I think that electric vehicle incentives should not be given to people who are not turning in their gasoline-powered car,” Nunes said. “We’re not paying for you to add another car in your garage.” 

In a study published Wednesday in the journal Sustainable Cities and Society, Nunes and other researchers found that offering blanket subsidies for electric vehicles isn’t an economically effective way of reducing carbon emissions. Targeting subsidies at households with only one vehicle and toward taxi or Uber drivers produces more bang for the federal buck. “You want to target people who drive their cars a lot, because that’s where you see the real emission benefits associated with EVs,” Nunes said.

In some states, there’s new interest in getting frequent drivers to switch to EVs. A bill in Vermont, for instance, would allow the Burlington Electric Department to use funds to help gasoline superusers buy electric vehicles. It passed through the state legislature this month and is headed to Republican Governor Phil Scott’s desk. If signed, it’ll be the first legislation in the country to offer EV incentives specifically to “superusers,” a term coined by Coltura two years ago.

Coltura makes the case that converting the biggest gasoline users into EV owners means less money for gas stations and more for power providers. “Utilities have a huge interest in getting these superusers to switch to EVs,” London said. “Suddenly, they’d be using a lot of electricity, right?” Someone who uses 1,000 gallons of gasoline a year, if switched to an EV, would use about 9,000 kilowatts of extra electricity each year, according to Coltura. Using the average cost of gasoline and electricity in February 2023, that means they’d spend about $1,150 on electricity instead of $3,390 on gas, saving roughly $2,000 a year.

There’s another effort underway in California that would allow superusers to receive more funding, in addition to federal tax credits, to switch. Assembly Bill 1267 would have directed the California Air Resources Board to institute a program that maximizes the reduction in gasoline—and thus the climate impact—for each dollar spent on incentives for superusers.

After passing unanimously through two committee hearings this spring with bipartisan support, the bill died last week. (London said that it will likely be reintroduced next year.) The state already has a hodgepodge of programs that help lower-income residents buy electric cars—including one that offers grants of up to $9,500 to replace a gas guzzler with a cleaner vehicle—though they have suffered from a lack of funding.

The superusers who make less than the state’s median income wind up spending 10 percent of their income just on putting gas in their car. “People say you can’t afford an EV,” London said. “If you’re a superuser, you can’t afford to keep paying for gasoline.” 

The average price of an electric car is about $59,000, higher than the $48,000 average for all cars. But London says that average EV cost is “irrelevant” since there are cheaper options on the market. “The question is, is there an EV at the price point that I can afford one?” she asks. While the cheapest EV model, the Chevy Bolt, is being discontinued, a new Nissan Leaf starts at just under $30,000, and tax credits can knock the price down further.

Clayton Stranger, a managing director at the Rocky Mountain Institute, said that there was a “compelling” economic case to target superusers with EV incentives, though the savings alone might not be enough to make people switch: The infrastructure needs to be built in rural places to make people feel comfortable driving an electric car, giving them confidence there’s a place to charge if they need it.

And then there’s the other aspect of ending the gasoline era: getting Americans out of their cars and into buses and trains, and onto bike lanes and sidewalks. “We also need to significantly reduce the amount of driving that is done,” Stranger said. “EVs alone don’t get us all the way there.”

Will get toasted...

Ron DeSantis has a problem in California

Eric Ting

In February, Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis was leading former President Donald Trump in polling for California’s 2024 Republican presidential primary. Now, he’s not only losing, but might have a difficult time regaining his footing, a new poll shows.

The Berkeley Institute of Government Studies poll, conducted among 1,472 Californians likely to vote in the March 2024 GOP primary, found Trump leading DeSantis 44% to 26%, and no other candidate receiving more than 4% support. In February, the same Berkeley poll had DeSantis leading Trump 37% to 29%.

What changed? For one, Trump was indicted in New York over an alleged hush money scheme involving payouts to women he reportedly had affairs with. Nationally, the indictment had the effect of improving his poll numbers among Republican voters, as the former president claimed political persecution and unfair treatment.

That messaging was apparently persuasive to California Republicans, as 67% of those surveyed by the pollster said that Trump’s public attacks on Manhattan District Attorney Alvin Bragg are “understandable” because the former president is “justifiably angry.”

Nationally at least, there are signs that Trump’s post-indictment polling bump could fade. With DeSantis waiting until last week to formally declare his candidacy, it also stands to reason he could soon see a polling bump of his own. The Berkeley poll was conducted between May 17 and May 22; DeSantis declared May 24.

Still, an 18-percentage-point deficit is a large hole to be in, and the poll found that one of DeSantis’ key pitches to GOP voters — that he has a better chance of defeating President Joe Biden than Trump does — might mean nothing to voters in California’s primary. Just 26% of California Republicans said it was most important to nominate “the candidate with the best chance of defeating Joe Biden,” while 71% said it was most important to nominate “the candidate who best represents your opinions on the major issues facing the country.”

Recent history supports the theory that California Republicans don’t particularly care about which candidates have the best chances of winning a general election. In the 2022 gubernatorial primary, the party’s voters largely backed Republican state Sen. Brian Dahle over independent Michael Shellenberger even though it was obvious at the time — and remains the case today — that statewide candidates with an “R” label are dead on arrival in a state where registered Democrats outnumber registered Republicans 2-1 (call it the Paper Bag Theorem of California politics).

Then there was the Gavin Newsom recall race. California Republicans overwhelmingly supported controversial radio host Larry Elder — and Newsom used Elder’s large polling lead to make the race a referendum on the modern Republican Party, as opposed to a referendum on his own record as governor. He then defeated the recall effort easily.

DeSantis’ slow-motion entry into the 2024 race has also left him open to months of unchallenged attacks from Trump, who has apparently succeeded in driving the governor’s favorability ratings down in California. In February, 54% of the state’s GOP voters said they had a “strongly favorable” opinion of DeSantis, but that’s down to 43% now. One silver lining for DeSantis is that his unfavorability rating only increased from 11% to 15%, which is still a better figure than Trump’s mark of 23% unfavorability among the California GOP.

We’re still a long way out from March 2024, and there’s plenty of time for DeSantis to recover, but he’s in a considerably worse position now than he was just three months ago.

Demands on debt deal

Senate braces for last-minute conservative demands on debt deal

Any one senator can slow down the legislation’s passage through the upper chamber. And conservative grumbling has already started.

By BURGESS EVERETT and DANIELLA DIAZ

Kevin McCarthy and Joe Biden achieved what once looked improbable: A bipartisan deal to raise the debt ceiling. Now any one senator has the leverage to bring the country right to the brink of default.

After the House’s planned Wednesday vote to raise the debt ceiling through 2024, the Senate will have only days before the June 5 deadline. And Senate leaders may have to do procedural acrobatics to clear the bill through their chamber in time to keep financial markets and everyday Americans comfortable.

“If somebody used every procedural motion, we wouldn’t even be done by June 5,” said Sen. Debbie Stabebow (D-Mich.), the No. 3 Democratic leader, who supports the deal. “Anyone who runs this out just to be an obstructionist, I think would be extremely irresponsible.”

Stabenow, like many senators, foresees some Senate magic as the weekend gets closer and senators want to go home. But it could be a bumpy ride: Due to the quirks of the upper chamber, individual senators can drag out a bill for roughly a week, as all 100 members must agree in order to fast-track legislation.

It’s a very Senate debate, albeit one with serious ramifications if the country gets too close to the cliff. In 2011, Standard and Poor’s downgraded the United States’ credit rating several days after Congress voted to raise the debt ceiling. Fitch has already put the U.S. on a negative ratings watch for this year’s saga.

But if conservatives get what they want, namely roll call votes on altering the bill, they may acquiesce and give the country plenty of breathing room before June 5.

“There are a lot of things that they could still do to convince me to collapse time,” said Sen. Mike Lee (R-Utah), who had threatened to “use every procedural tool” to impede a bill that didn’t have significant spending cuts. “If they don’t do those things, then I might do that.”

There are tactics Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer can use to minimize debate time and keep things moving but, in all likelihood, he’ll have to strike a deal of his own on the debt limit.

It won’t be a new version of a debt agreement; there’s not enough time for senators to change the bill and send it back to the House. Instead, Schumer and Minority Leader Mitch McConnell will have to make a deal on amendment votes. Presumably, all of them would fail, but such an agreement would make individual senators feel heard on a two-year budget deal that takes the debt ceiling drama out of Washington until 2025 — and in turn, gives them political cover to allow the legislation to come to a quick vote.

“I haven’t heard much of a desire to delay the inevitable,” said Sen. Ron Johnson (R-Wis.), who once forced Senate clerks to read the entire American Rescue Plan.

A variety of senators are already making their demands known. Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) says he “will use all powers available” to get a vote on redoing the legislation’s small boost to defense spending, arguing it is insufficient. Sen. Tim Kaine (D-Va.) wants to strip approval of the Mountain Valley Pipeline from the bill; Kaine has fought the pipeline for months.

And Sen. Rand Paul (R-Ky.), no stranger to using impending deadlines as leverage, wants to vote on an alternative debt ceiling proposal that would raise the debt limit for a shorter time span while imposing hundreds of billions in budget cuts. He readily admitted his amendment won’t pass but said people need to see it get a vote.

“I don’t think there are 50 votes. I think about half of the Republican caucus will support mine. No Democrats will support it. But the American people need to know that’s where we are,” Paul said.

Some senators are already signaling they want to make the chamber look somewhat dignified in comparison to a House GOP majority that’s riven over the deal. McConnell and Schumer both endorsed the agreement Tuesday, a significant development as both urged Congress to send the bill to the president’s desk. McConnell called it a “historic agreement” while Schumer said he would move to pass it “as soon as we can.”

Both Senate Democrats and Republicans will meet for party meetings Wednesday and begin to assess what it will take to move the bill through the Senate quickly. On the Republican side, there’s already a split between McConnell allies and conservatives like Paul, Lee and Johnson.

“It’s just a question of figuring out what the appetite is for amendments. And how our guys want to proceed. If they want to, there are a number of procedural ways they could slow it down,” said Senate Minority Whip John Thune (R-S.D.).

This time, progressive grumbling could also become an issue. Some on the left are worried about additional work requirements for government benefits, losing billions for IRS enforcement and the potential environmental impact of the new pipeline. It’s still unclear if they’ll demand amendment votes.

“We don’t build a stronger future as a nation by helping out tax cheats and taking away food from hungry people. This is just wrong,” said Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.), who did not say whether she would oppose the bill. “I have concerns and I continue to read.”

At the moment, there’s a feeling in both parties that finishing up before the weekend is achievable, despite all the complaints about what’s in the deal. Democratic and Republican Party leaders are lining up behind the deal and conservatives are signaling they’ll allow it to move quickly — as long as they get their amendment votes.

Of course, it only takes one dissatisfied senator to change all that.

“It’ll still pass before the deadline. It may be three in the morning on June 6,” said Sen. Bill Cassidy (R-La.). “But for all practical purposes, we’re going to do the deadline.”

The meat ball is giving bowel discomfort....

Ron DeSantis starts throwing some uppercuts at Trump

The Florida governor made his first stop since declaring and he played the hits.

By NATALIE ALLISON

In his first appearance on the campaign trail as a declared candidate, Ron DeSantis told voters he was substance over “fluff,” results over superficiality and, above all else, not a loser like Donald Trump.

The Florida governor didn’t actually mention his chief rival by name. But he didn’t have to. The contrasts were big and small, and mainly implicit. He talked about closing the border, spoke about how he would have fired Anthony Fauci during the Covid pandemic, and made note — in his speech’s crescendo — that no conservative wish could come true if their candidate doesn’t actually win.

“Leadership is not about entertainment. It’s not about building a brand. It’s not about virtue signaling,” DeSantis said. “It is about results.”

DeSantis’ return to Iowa marked a new chapter in his political arc and a slightly new approach to boot, with the mainstream press-averse governor taking questions afterward from an assembled press corps.

But the changes weren’t overwhelming. DeSantis stayed largely on script during his speech, airing a list of policy achievements and painting a dystopian picture of Democratic governance to sell himself to voters. As for that press conference, he only called on reporters pre-selected by his campaign, using the opportunity to — once more — needle Trump for suggesting Florida had taken the wrong approach to Covid.

The stop Tuesday followed a trip DeSantis had made to Iowa earlier this month that was, by most accounts, a success. But with Trump still far ahead in public polling — and returning here himself on Wednesday — the stakes this week are especially high for DeSantis. Few candidates have arrived in the first-in-the-nation caucus state freighted with such high expectations and viewed by many of his supporters as the only viable alternative to Trump.

DeSantis’ event Tuesday night and four-stop blitz across the state on Wednesday will offer the first test of his ability to build a coalition of voters who can beat the former president.

“I’ve been listening to these politicians talk about securing the border for years and years and years,” DeSantis said, in one of many subtle jabs against Trump. “I can tell you, if I’m president, this will finally be the time where we bring this issue to a conclusion.”

DeSantis’ speech introduction was particularly policy heavy, railing against President Biden’s handling of the border, fentanyl, the economy, the national debt, energy, China, vaccines and more, lambasting an “unaccountable, weaponized administrative state.”

Despite making a handful of veiled attacks of Trump throughout his address at Eternity Church outside Des Moines, DeSantis also echoed some of the core themes of Trump’s movement, criticizing the “elites” who are “imposing their agenda on us.”

DeSantis’ aggressive schedule in the Hawkeye State illustrates the intensity with which he intends to brawl with Trump here. He has pitched himself as an energetic executive and the multiple stops appear designed as a demonstration of it.

“If you were trying to succeed in Iowa, this is the trip you put together,” said David Kochel, an Iowa-based Republican strategist who was an adviser to Jeb Bush’s presidential campaign. “He’s going to draw a lot of media attention. He’ll cover a lot of ground in Iowa both ideologically and with different demographics available to him.”

“It’s not like Trump’s in trouble — he’s got the biggest current base of support,” Kochel continued. “But it’s not a done deal.”

As DeSantis prepared to take the stage, Trump’s campaign roasted him in press releases, declaring DeSantis’ last trip to Iowa was a “failure” and highlighting the governor’s embrace of some pandemic-mitigation measures in 2020.

After stops across Iowa on Wednesday and two more days of barnstorming New Hampshire and South Carolina, DeSantis will make the trek back to Des Moines on Saturday to attend Sen. Joni Ernst’s annual Roast and Ride fundraiser, a political cattle call being attended by the other major declared and likely candidates besides Trump. DeSantis’ decision to show up for the event at the Iowa Fairgrounds — an announcement only made Tuesday — will make him the leading GOP candidate attending.

DeSantis’ campaign operation — and his strategy in Iowa — draw some parallels to Sen. Ted Cruz’s 2016 run. Cruz, who defeated Trump and Sen. Marco Rubio to win the Iowa caucuses that year, has shared a number of top strategists with DeSantis, between the governor’s own political operation and that of a super PAC supporting his presidential bid. Jeff Roe, Ken Cuccinelli and Chris Wilson are among the Cruz veterans working with Never Back Down, while Sam Cooper and David Polyansky, other past Cruz advisers, are now part of DeSantis’ political operation.

Never Back Down has field workers on the ground in the first four nominating states — Iowa, New Hampshire, South Carolina and Nevada — including just under 200 people who have knocked on 50,000 doors in the Hawkeye State. The super PAC, which is committing to spend $100 million on field operations and is training its door-knockers in a West Des Moines office, has also employed 10 political staffers in Iowa.

Kristin Davison, the chief operating officer for Never Back Down, said the group is “building an army that’s worthy of the enthusiasm that’s already behind DeSantis.”

Trump, meanwhile, is set to arrive in Iowa on Wednesday, taking part in a Des Moines radio interview before meeting with the Westside Conservative Club on Thursday morning just outside the city. He’ll tape a Fox News town hall event moderated by Sean Hannity, a televised program that comes on the heels of a widely-watched CNN town hall earlier this month.

In an attempt to contrast himself with Trump, someone born into immense wealth and who did not serve in the Vietnam War at a time many of his peers did — DeSantis described himself as someone who worked “minimum wage jobs” through school, and who after Sept. 11, 2001 decided to risk the “loss of personal income” to enter the military.

That, he said to applause, was “worth more than anything money can buy.”

Among a handful of other areas where DeSantis sought to subtly put distance between himself and Trump, he said Florida “chose freedom over Fauci-ism” during the pandemic.

“You do not empower somebody like Fauci,” he said. “You bring him into the office and tell him to pack his bags.”

In the presser afterward, responding to a question about Trump’s comments on his handling of Disney, DeSantis pivoted to the former president’s “bizarre” and “ridiculous” criticism of Florida’s pandemic response.

“The former president is now attacking me, saying that [Andrew] Cuomo did better handling Covid than Florida did,” DeSantis said. “I can tell you this, I could count the number of Republicans in this country on my hands that would rather have lived in New York under Cuomo than lived in Florida in our freedom zone.”

Asked how he would distinguish himself from Trump, DeSantis said “there’s no substitute for victory,” and argued that “there are a lot of voters who just aren’t going to ever vote for him.”

DeSantis bragged that Florida had “banned ballot harvesting,” a strategy many Republican leaders have begun urging the party to embrace after recent midterm losses. That includes Trump, who once decried the approach but has more recently suggested the GOP adopt such a get-out-the vote method in order to better compete with Democrats.

And he touted a six-week abortion ban that he recently signed in Florida, legislation DeSantis had initially avoided discussing on the campaign trail, and which Trump said was “too harsh.” Iowa has a similar law in effect.

DeSantis’ packed schedule this week highlights his physical and financial ability to hit the road day after day — a hustle that’s likely to give him a boost with grassroots activists. And despite having aligned himself closely to Trump on many policy issues, DeSantis’ case to voters centers in part on his generational difference with Trump and his relatability to young, conservative-leaning families.

The location where DeSantis held his Tuesday event, a multi-campus church on the outskirts of Des Moines, is helmed by a similarly aged Australian pastor and markets itself to a younger generation of believers — a different flavor of conservative Christianity than traditional pew-and-suit congregations. In the same vein that DeSantis opted for an unprecedented Twitter campaign launch last week than a conventional event made for television, the Gen-X Florida governor appears set on emphasizing his youthfulness in the field.

The church’s pastor, Jesse Newman, said the “DeSantis team called” his church to inquire about hosting the event there.

The governor received resounding applause when he talked about his efforts to prevent schools from “indoctrinating” students, an issue he said he views “through the lens of a dad.” DeSantis then called his wife up to discuss the issue, who apologized for her hoarse voice and explained she had been busy with motherhood duties.

“I’ve been negotiating with a 3-year-old all day today as to why they cannot color with permanent marker on the dining room table,” Casey DeSantis said, to laughter.

DeSantis is the second-youngest Republican presidential contender this cycle, just behind 37-year-old Vivek Ramaswamy who touts himself as the only millennial in the field and who has also emphasized newer digital communication mediums in his effort to reach voters.

“I saw the way the press tried to trash him, you know, with the Twitter thing and all of that, but that doesn’t mean a whole lot,” said Bill Burch, a Des Moines Republican attending DeSantis’ event Tuesday. “It does mean a whole lot he’s out stomping and getting the message out, and people are listening.”

Burch, whose two biggest policy issues are closing the border and expanding the country’s energy supply, said he is turned off by Trump’s habit of “insulting your competition,” as he has done with DeSantis.

Gov. Kim Reynolds, who has said she intends to remain neutral ahead of the caucuses, introduced DeSantis with effusive praise on Tuesday, calling him “a candidate who has shown us that he can, and all you have to do is look at his record.”

“I have a hunch they’re going to be here a lot,” Reynolds said of DeSantis and his wife Casey. “If I know anything about these two, it’s that they will not be outworked.”