A place were I can write...

My simple blog of pictures of travel, friends, activities and the Universe we live in as we go slowly around the Sun.



June 17, 2026

What a bunch of stupid assholes...

Have you read the bullshit the orange turd wants to sign with Iran? 

Do you understand what they are giving Iran? 

Iran is going to charge a fee now. Did they every charge a fee to ships? No. But now all ships have to pay a fee... 

Winner! Iran... 

Loser, Orange fucking turd.... 

What a fucking shitshow...

Hey you stupid fucking maggots... You are fucking stupid because you elected this fucking shithead turd...

They are giving $300,000,000,000 to Iran... This is insane!!!!!!

Guts Education Dept.

Trump further guts Education Dept. by shifting oversight of special ed, civil rights

By Jonaki Mehta, Cory Turner

Two of the U.S. Department of Education's biggest responsibilities will shift to other federal agencies: safeguarding student civil rights and administering programs for students with disabilities.

The Trump administration said Tuesday it will move much of the Office of Special Education and Rehabilitative Services (OSERS) to the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (HHS). OSERS manages programs that support students with disabilities, offering guidance and oversight to ensure states follow the landmark Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA), a law that guarantees disabled students access to an equitable public education.

The administration announced it would also move much of the Education Department's Office for Civil Rights (OCR) to the U.S. Department of Justice (DOJ). OCR's staff of civil rights lawyers are tasked with protecting students in K-12 schools and universities from discrimination based on disability, gender, race and national origin. OCR has been in tumult for months, targeted repeatedly by the Trump administration for staff cuts, then reversals of those cuts.

The moves to HHS and DOJ would further dismantle an agency that President Donald Trump has vowed to close, and it would leave the Education Department with a shrinking number of responsibilities. For example, much of the Office of Elementary and Secondary Education — the department's K-12 workhorse — was already moved to the U.S. Department of Labor.

In a press release, Education Secretary Linda McMahon said of shifting special education programs: "Through our partnership with HHS, we will align federal services with the goal of strengthening academic outcomes and supporting individuals with disabilities so that they can achieve greater independence, key life skills, and meaningful employment."

And of moving civil rights enforcement, McMahon said the partnership between OCR and the Justice Department would "ensure stronger, more coordinated civil rights enforcement and robust protections for student privacy."

The Trump administration announced the moves as "partnerships" between the Education Department, HHS and the Justice Department, though, in a call with reporters, senior department officials who briefed reporters on the condition of anonymity were vague on how these new arrangements would affect current staff. With some previous interagency agreements, Education Department staff have simply been moved, along with their responsibilities, from one physical office to another.

According to the text of the agreements, which were obtained by NPR, HHS would do much of the work of administering formula grant programs related to IDEA while the Education Department would continue to provide management and leadership, likely because the law requires that these responsibilities still be overseen by the Education Department.

These moves are the latest effort in McMahon's self-described push to "peel back the layers of federal bureaucracy by partnering with agencies that are better suited to manage programs and empowering states and local leaders to oversee the rest."

However a former employee who worked at OSERS for more than a decade and left earlier this year argued the changes could make the agency less efficient and effective: "This isn't a late-model Toyota that you can sell for parts and get the best bang for your buck." They added OSERS "ensures that your children, your family's children, your neighbors' children — any child with a disability — gets to attend a public school and gets to have access to the same school that their non-disabled peers have."

Another former OSERS staffer told NPR, "my stomach drops for children and parents." The employee, who is the parent of an adult with disabilities added, "this move would separate out oversight of the implementation of IDEA and it would decimate civil rights protections that have been in place for more than 50 years." Both former OSERS employees spoke to NPR on the condition of anonymity because they fear professional repercussions for speaking publicly about this issue.

"No logical sense" 

For months, as rumors swirled about a move to HHS, disability rights advocates have pushed back.

"This is another vindictive attempt to undermine public education," said Denise Forte, president and CEO of EdTrust, a think tank focused on addressing education inequity. "And at this moment, when we know that children with disabilities need more support, not less — HHS is not the place for that."

Denise Marshall, CEO of the Council of Parent Attorneys and Advocates (COPAA) told NPR, "There is no logical sense why anyone would move [students with disabilities] under HHS." She added, "We're not going to all of a sudden go to our surgeon to learn how to read."

IDEA is "an education law," said Chad Rummel, CEO of the Council for Exceptional Children (CEC). "That means we need to have special education interacting with all of education at the department, not over here on its own in a medical environment."

Rummel added that he's worried the administration is trying to strip away federal oversight of special education.

However, in a letter obtained by NPR, Kimberly Richey, assistant secretary for civil rights, and Kelly Rogers, acting assistant secretary for OSERS, reassured members of the disability community that the work of OSERS and OCR would not be disrupted. They wrote the two teams "will continue to partner together, just as they always have, to vigorously enforce the law to ensure states and schools are in compliance."

Rummel may have reason for concern, based on what's outlined in Project 2025, a policy blueprint for a second Trump administration developed by the conservative Heritage Foundation.

Right now, states have to apply for IDEA funding through OSERS. But Project 2025 proposes that "most IDEA funding should be converted into a no-strings formula block grant targeted at students with disabilities and distributed directly to local education agencies by Health and Human Service's Administration for Community Living."

The author of that section, Lindsey Burke, now works at the department, helping guide its dismantling from the inside.

One of the former OSERS employees told NPR that staffers at the department who have been working on special education services have spent decades building expertise on how best to serve students with disabilities. "HHS does not have that. It's medically oriented," the person said. "They may look at a child with a disability from the perspective of what medication they are taking or what their pathology is as opposed to 'How can this young baby, who's going to be an adult, thrive as an individual?'"

The other former OSERS employee noted that last year marked the 50th anniversary of IDEA, the law that created special education and made clear to states and schools that children with disabilities have a fundamental right to an education. With this move, they said, "I'm really concerned that we are going to go 50 years backwards."

As for moving OCR to the Justice Department, "it's a terrible idea," warned Catherine Lhamon, who previously ran the office under two different presidents, Obama and Biden, saying Justice has "no interest and no expertise in doing the kind of work that OCR does."

Lhamon pointed out that OCR existed before the creation of the Education Department, in 1979, and that it was Congress that voted to move it into the new agency "where everyone is focused on the school context. And the people in the Office for Civil Rights get to use their expertise to ensure that every student in every school every day experiences the guarantee that Congress promised."

Kenneth Marcus, who ran OCR during the first Trump administration, was more optimistic. In a statement he said: "Much will depend on implementation … but if done right, this could mark a critical step forward for students whose rights have gone unprotected on campuses across the country. The key issue is whether this will enable the Justice Department to more seamlessly cooperate on potential civil rights litigation and pursue enforcement when necessary."

Are moves like this legal?

Federal law requires that OSERS exist — and that it exist within the U.S. Department of Education. To get around that requirement, and to keep from having to get consent from Congress, the administration appears to be doing what it did in November, with other department responsibilities.

Late last year, the administration announced it would shift work dedicated to, among other things, elementary and secondary education, postsecondary education and Indian education to other federal agencies. All three offices were placed at the department by Congress when it created the agency in 1979, and the moves were made without Congress' consent.

In briefing lawmakers and staff about those November moves, the administration insisted that these programs' statutory responsibilities would remain at the department; it was simply outsourcing day-to-day operations to other agencies.

A small contingent of top staff would remain behind, at the Education Department, to continue to oversee these programs.

Plunging GOP into disarray

Trump upends careful compromise on intel chief, plunging GOP into disarray

By Sarah Ferris, Ted  Barrett, Kevin Liptak

Republicans on Capitol Hill believed they’d found a way to dump President Donald Trump’s controversial pick for temporary intelligence chief — while defusing a major fight with Democrats over a significant national security bill.

Then came Trump’s middle-of-the-night missive from Switzerland.

“I will not approve FISA without THE SAVE AMERICA ACT going along with it. Not complicated, actually, the Republicans fell into a trap,” the president wrote early Wednesday.

“We are cancelling the Senate Hearing RE: DNI today, and will not be going forward until Jamie McDonald is approved to be U.S. Attorney,” he added. “In the meantime, Bill Pulte will remain as the Acting Director of National Intelligence.”

Trump’s Truth Social post on Wednesday blew up weeks of careful party strategy to usher in a compromise pick, Jay Clayton, to oversee the nation’s intelligence agencies. Instead, Trump made clear he’s now seeking to keep that contentious nominee — MAGA loyalist Pulte — in an interim position for even longer. Further complicating matters, the president also demanded the passage of his signature voter ID bill attached to the must-pass national security bill, which is already days overdue.

The move stunned Senate Republican leaders, who were just hours away from a key committee hearing for Trump’s pick. Clayton informed some members of the committee he was asked by the president to not show up for the hearing, a source familiar with the matter told CNN.

Senate GOP leaders were ultimately forced to cancel that afternoon hearing just ahead of its start, after initially vowing to hold it. In response, the Senate Intelligence Committee’s chairman issued a rare statement of disapproval at Trump’s move, calling it “regrettable that the president has directed Jay Clayton not to appear at his confirmation hearing today.”

It’s not yet clear when GOP leaders might try to hold another hearing for Clayton. But so far, it appears that Trump will succeed in his attempt to slow-walk the nomination — which would allow his hand-chosen temporary chief, Pulte, to formally begin the role Friday.

The situation has flummoxed many Republicans and left Congress in an uncomfortable limbo over the status of Trump’s nominee, as well as the lapsed security measure, known as the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act, which authorizes the nation’s foreign spying powers designed to thwart terrorist attacks.

Even Senate Majority Leader John Thune was unable to answer questions on Wednesday morning about Clayton’s fate — and instead said he is still “awaiting clarity” from the White House about next steps.

Canceling a Senate hearing would typically be decided by the committee holding the hearing — in this case, the Senate Intelligence Committee. It was not immediately clear whether Trump had spoken to the panel’s chairman, Sen. Tom Cotton, before posting his message, but the Arkansas Republican initially said the hearing would proceed Wednesday afternoon without formal intervention by the president. (He was forced to backtrack later just hours later.)

“We’ll just have to take it a day at a time until we get more clarity on kind of what the White House’s position is on this,” Thune said, met by a crush of reporters as he entered the US Capitol.

Thune did not answer questions about whether he’s spoken with the president since the move. When asked why Trump was connecting the issues of voter ID to his intelligence nominee, Thune answered: “Good question.”

Democrats, meanwhile, were irate over Trump’s move. Sen. Mark Warner of Virginia, the top Senate Intelligence Committee Democrat, described Trump’s intervention as “an extraordinary display of dysfunction from a president who seems determined to turn America’s national security into a political bargaining chip” — a key signal that the party won’t lend any votes to reauthorize the lapsed surveillance bill anytime soon.

Trump posted that he wanted the Senate to cancel the nomination hearing for Clayton. Later, Cotton – who had first held his ground, noting Clayton was a “pending nominee” before his panel – said that Trump had ordered him not to show, a highly unusual move.

CNN has reached out to the White House for more on Trump’s decision.

One of Trump’s allies in Congress, Sen. Rick Scott of Florida, defended Trump’s move, arguing that the public wanted to see the president’s voter ID bill become law.

“If we actually voted up here based on what the American public wanted, this would pass in a heartbeat. We’d pass it by noon today,” Scott said. But he wouldn’t say whether he’d encourage Trump to veto the spy powers bill if his voter ID bill isn’t attached, as the president suggested overnight: “I’ll let him decide that.”

Asked if Trump was complicating Congress’s ability to govern with his last-minute demands, Scott said: “He’s talking about stuff that the American public wants. … He’s talking about what we ought to be doing.”

Senate GOP leaders had spent the last week trying to quell tensions in their party, and from Democrats, after Trump announced Pulte, who has no demonstrated national security experience, as the temporary intelligence chief. Pulte, notably, has used his current position atop a federal housing agency to go after Trump’s perceived rivals.

Ultimately, party leaders and the White House reached an agreement last week — Trump picked Clayton, Manhattan’s top federal prosecutor, as the agency’s permanent successor.

But Trump never withdrew Pulte, whose tenure was slated to begin June 19. And Democrats never backed down on their demands, saying Trump needed to dump Pulte for good, or they would not help reauthorize the nation’s spy powers.

Now Democrats are blaming Trump for further inflating the situation and dragging out the intel law lapse.

“What we’re seeing is real-time chaos in the intelligence community,” Sen. Richard Blumenthal of Connecticut said. “Bill Pulte remaining in that job is absolutely intolerable.”

Spectacularly Corrupt

The White House Cage Fight Was Spectacular—And Spectacularly Corrupt

Trump has obliterated the lines between public policy and personal wealth.

Russ Choma

As the UFC fighters left their locker rooms Sunday night and headed out to the Octagon, they strutted through the Oval Office—a space once so revered that Ronald Reagan wouldn’t enter it unless he was wearing a suit jacket. A select group of spectators had been invited to the White House grounds, and the public was allowed to join a watch party on the National Mall. But anyone outside the DC region could only tune in to “the most historic sporting event of all time” via Paramount+, a paid streaming service owned by David Ellison, the son of one of Trump’s biggest donors.

Throughout his second term in office, Trump has conducted private business ventures, mixed his financial interests with government policy, and even invited business partners into the Oval Office. But Sunday night’s fight at the White House took things to a new level, the most open and blatant example—so far—of Trump and his allies mingling personal financial interests with the institution of the presidency.

The fight itself was a mega-event for the UFC, which was allowed to put a giant steel claw to illuminate the fighting cage on the White House lawn. UFC is owned by the publicly traded TKO Group, shares of which the president owns.

It was a commercial sell-out of the White House—a private, for-profit event. The majority of the seats on the White House lawn were allocated to members of the military, and the remainder to VIP guests of Trump, including David Ellison himself and Mark Zuckerberg. Members of the public could register to join the free watch party several hundred yards away at the Ellipse.

In addition to the taxpayer-owned venue and the use of the Oval Office for walk-ups, there was an unusually spectacular flyover from the Navy’s and Air Force’s flight acrobatic teams, and all the pomp and circumstance granted the president. And on the other side, beyond the benefits to the UFC and TKO, there were sponsorships and branding for businesses with close ties to Trump and his inner circle.

The Trump-family-owned World Liberty Financial—a crypto company that ostensibly aims to democratize banking, but so far has mainly managed to infuriate token holders and attract huge cash investments from the spy-chief-prince of the United Arab Emirates—wasn’t just a sponsor. UFC actually announced that it was using one of World Liberty’s core products, a stablecoin called USD1, to pay out bonuses to the fighters. USD1 is a cryptocurrency with a value pegged to the price of the US dollar, meaning the form of the payment was largely symbolic. But that symbolism is invaluable to Trump’s struggling crypto venture, which hopes to encourage the use of USD1 for buying and selling other crypto assets on a far grander scale.

As part of the deal, World Liberty “branding will be on display in the world-famous Octagon and will be featured within the broadcast, giving WLFI meaningful visibility in front of a potential worldwide audience across an estimated 1 billion broadcast and digital households in 210 countries and territories that receive UFC programming,” a press release declared.

And speaking of coins, the Trump Organization, fully owned by the president, sold special silver and gold commemorative coins for the event, etched with portraits of Trump and UFC chairman Dana White. One gold coin, which was marketed as weighing one ounce, was selling for $11,999; a regular ounce of gold—one lacking the visages of Trump and his friends—currently goes for around $4,350.

Then there was the mat of the Octagon, just feet from Trump’s front-row seat, which was emblazoned with the logo of Polymarket—the prediction market that is lobbying Trump to keep state and federal regulators off its back. Donald Trump Jr., you will perhaps not be shocked to learn, is a Polymarket adviser and investor.

Even setting aside the financial relationship between the president’s family and Polymarket, the relationship between prediction markets and government insiders is fraught. In April, federal prosecutors charged a US Army special forces soldier with trading on his insider knowledge of the mission to capture Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro, spawning a well-justified round of hand-wringing about how to keep Polymarket at a greater distance from DC policymakers than was evident at Sunday’s fight.

Riyadh Season, a large cultural festival hosted in Saudi Arabia’s capital, was another major fight sponsor, with its logo visible on the mat. The festival is part of Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman’s Vision 2030 effort—a multi-billion project to overhaul his kingdom’s international reputation. Trump has always been warm with the Saudis, but following Salman’s involvement with the murder and dismemberment of journalist Jamal Khashoggi, relations between the US and Saudi Arabia hit a nadir.

It wasn’t any individual part of Sunday night’s event that was shocking—there have always been athlete visits to the Oval Office and fancy flyovers. But what made the whole affair so appalling was also what made it so spectacular: layer upon layer of excess, hype, and the blurring of lines between what belongs to the American public and what belongs to Trump. If the president has his way, there will soon be no lines at all.

Longmore 8


How did a hamster wheel get into space? The Hamster Wheel Nebula (Longmore 8) was discovered by Andrew Longmore in 1976 as a part of a larger survey of the southern sky. This survey employed several improvements in photographic technology, including the use of highly sensitive film, to capture deeper and fainter objects on plates that were examined by eye and catalogued. The featured image, taken at Observatorio El Sauce in Chile, depicts an intricate wheel structure of glowing hydrogen that was thrown out into space by a dying star and ionized by the leftover white dwarf. This structure was barely visible on the original plate, emphasizing the power of modern telescopes and cameras. Two opposing clumps of red hydrogen gas encased in the blue veil of ionized oxygen hint at the presence of a companion to the bright white dwarf at the wheel’s center!

They literally built a swamp...

Trump promised clear water. The reflecting pool went green.

Algae spread across the Lincoln Memorial Reflecting Pool shortly after a multimillion-dollar renovation. The Interior Department says fixes are on the way.

By Kinnia Cheuk and Heather Richards

Fresh off a multimillion-dollar renovation ordered by President Donald Trump, the Lincoln Memorial Reflecting Pool is now a sea of green.

The president had wanted a pool filled with clear water and a bottom painted “American Flag Blue,” the color of a commercial-grade swimming pool liner he had added to the granite pool to address leaks and spruce up the monument ahead of huge Independence Day celebrations this summer on the National Mall to commemorate the nation’s 250th birthday.

Instead, dark green clumps of algae sat Tuesday morning on a lighter green layer of algae that’s blanketed the water.

Algae started forming in the pool last week, within days of the renovation’s completion. An Interior Department spokesperson Friday said the agency would remove the algae and use “nanobubblers” to keep it clean. But the algae has quickly spread.

Brooks Barrett, who studies marine plant life at the Smithsonian Institution, said there’s “no quick fix” to the algae bloom in the pool.

“The reflecting pool is perfect for algae. If you were trying to biofarm algae, this would be the way to go. It’s warm, it’s stagnant, it’s perfect,” he said.

On Tuesday morning, white foam billowed out from hoses connected to machinery carrying the label of Green Water Solutions. The Ohio-based contractor was paid $1.7 million by the National Park Service to install an ozone nanobubbling system, which Interior has said would keep the pool algae-free. A worker from contractor Pearl Purity Water Solutions, which has treated water in the pool since 2021, was also seen vacuuming algae off the bottom of the pool.

Green Water Solutions did not respond to a request for comment. Pearl Purity Water Solutions could not be reached.

Around the pool, visitors from outside Washington mentioned that they had seen reports of algae forming from the past week but didn’t expect it to be so widespread.

“Well, it’s really green,” said a tourist from California.

Interior on Tuesday said it is working to kill the algae using the nanobubbling system and hydrogen peroxide.

“The National Park Service is actually maintaining the beautifully completed Reflecting Pool,” the department said in a statement. “To keep the water in the Reflecting Pool not only crystal clear but also clean, we are deploying high-tech nanobubble ozone technology. ... Additionally, hydrogen peroxide, which is a milder treatment than chlorine and is used in spas and specialty pools like natural swimming pools, is also treating the pool.”

The hydrogen peroxide will have no harmful effect on marine animals or the environment, the department said.

Explosions of algae are a regular problem the agency has confronted at the shallow pool. But the growth has dealt a blow to the White House’s efforts to clean up the famous memorial — and at a bargain rate — before July 4.

Trump announced the plan to renovate the pool with a commercial swimming pool liner in April, promising to cheaply fix what previous presidents had burned money on.

“The Biden administration and the Obama administration spent hundreds of millions of dollars trying to get it to work, and they failed,” Trump said at the time, referring to a $34 million renovation of the monument in 2012 completed during the Obama administration. That work sought to address algae issues, stagnant water and leaks, although once it was done both the leaks and algae resurfaced.

The National Park Service had received bids to try again with a total renovation of the granite and grouting. But that could have cost hundreds of millions, Trump said earlier this spring.

His solution was to use swimming pool contractors to coat the granite with a spray-on liner, saying the total cost would be between $1.5 million and $2 million. That cost later ballooned to $14.2 million, according to federal records.

Questioned on whether the NPS’ more extensive renovation plan would be a superior project to the pool liner, Trump said in April he had disagreed.

“No, this is much better … for much less money,” he recalled saying. “It will look far more beautiful, more beautiful than it did in 1922 when they built it.”

Kym Hall, the former regional director for NPS’ capitol region, said Trump’s fix ignored the larger, more expensive, problems that the pool faced. She noted that the filtration system and piping need renovations.

“I’m not sure how this administration thought they were going to somehow overcome a long-standing challenge of keeping [the pool] clear (not to mention wildlife contributing waste to the water) by painting it,” she said.

Last week Interior said the algae came from water in the pipes that had been left to stagnate while the pool was being renovated. When the pool was refilled after the pool liner was applied, it carried those contaminants into the pool.

Hall said that explanation was possible. The pipes and filtration system hold about 500,000 gallons of water of the roughly 4-million-gallon system, which is fed from the water in the Tidal Basin. NPS treats the water with ozone, which helps kill bacteria and depress algae growth.

“Trying to keep the algae at bay is a huge battle. So, they clean it each year and keep trying to keep it clean,” she said. “If this problem could have been easily solved or cheaply solved, somebody would have freaking done it.”

NPS is juggling a backlog of more than $24 billion in maintenance needs across the country, with nearly $3 billion in projects just in the Washington region.

Hall said the parks prioritize their budgets the best they can. Projects needed for public safety or historic preservation often come before more aesthetic features, like fountains.

Commercial and residential swimming pools often use chlorine to kill off algae and bacteria, but the chemical would potentially harm surrounding organisms and emit an off-putting smell, Barrett said. Since the reflecting pool is so shallow, a large amount of chlorine would be required, he said.

Ozone is nontoxic and a more ecologically sensitive method, Barrett said. In theory, a constant bubbling of ozone into the pool would oxidize and kill microalgae, he said. The algae that remain would then have to be filtered out of the pool. In time, ozone is used up and turned into oxygen.

But only time will tell if the nanobubbling system will be able to keep up with the algae blooms, Barrett said.

In some unique conditions, algae can produce toxins. These are the cyanobacteria algae blooms, sometimes called “blue-green algae,” that can harm people or animals.

Mike Selckmann, associate director of aquatic habitats at the Interstate Commission on the Potomac River Basin, said the reflecting pool algae does not appear to be dangerous.

“I hesitate to put any concern, any worry, into people that this is a potential health risk,” he said. “This is just your typical algae that is just showing up in an area that is able to take advantage of a shallow, warm water system.”

“It’s just unattractive,” he said.

DOJ has a credibility problem

Trump’s DOJ has a credibility problem. Newsom is testing how far it goes.

The California governor says a possible probe is political payback.

By Kyle Cheney and Josh Gerstein

James Comey. Letitia James. Mark Kelly. Jay Powell.

The Justice Department has spent the last 18 months chasing President Donald Trump’s political adversaries in investigations that have more often than not crumbled under scrutiny. Now, California Gov. Gavin Newsom is adamant that he’s the next in a long line of vendetta cases brought at Trump’s direction.

And because of the recent prosecutorial misadventures of the Trump administration — which have dashed the Justice Department’s credibility in courts around the country — it’s become an argument that’s impossible to ignore. Even if it’s too soon to tell whether that’s actually what’s happening with the investigation surrounding Newsom’s wife Jennifer Siebel Newsom.

“This is a huge problem,” said Randall Eliason, former chief of the Public Corruption Section of the U.S. Attorney’s Office in Washington, D.C. “In any political corruption prosecution, the defense almost always claims it is a ‘political witch hunt,’ that prosecutors are targeting him or her for some political reason.”

“The best defense to that has always been DOJ’s tradition of independence from politics and long track record of pursuing corruption cases based only on the facts and law, without regard to political considerations,” Eliason added. “The Trump administration has abandoned that independence without even trying to hide it.”

Newsom on Monday preempted federal prosecutors with a four-minute video decrying an encroaching investigation — apparently aimed at his wife’s charity and his former chief of staff — as a politically motivated witch hunt. It mirrored a tactic Powell, the chair of the Federal Reserve, deployed earlier this year when he decried a nascent criminal probe as a baseless political attack.

A federal judge ultimately agreed and took the highly unusual step of blocking grand jury subpoenas in the probe, which was handled by Trump’s top prosecutor in Washington, D.C., Jeanine Pirro. Trump’s years of attacks on Powell’s fiscal policies, combined with flimsy allegations of misconduct, were clear evidence of a politically motivated probe, Chief U.S. District Judge James Boasberg concluded.

Newsom was quick to note that Trump has similarly spent years attacking him, even calling for him to be arrested. The California Democrat wants the world to equate him with Powell rather than another Trump adversary, former national security adviser John Bolton — who similarly claimed he was the target of a Trump-driven political probe only to later agree to plead guilty to mishandling classified information.

“Department of Justice prosecutors follow the facts and the law, not politics,” a DOJ spokesperson said. “This DOJ has returned to its mission of fighting crime, regardless of the name or status of alleged perpetrators. No bad actor is above the law.”

Whether Newsom is situated more like Powell or Bolton is a question previous Departments of Justice would never have had to contend with. But Trump has repeatedly and openly called for his adversaries to be prosecuted and even publicly directed his first attorney general, Pam Bondi, to do it quickly.

“At this point, it is safer to assume bad faith unless proven otherwise,” said Peter Zeidenberg, a former prosecutor at the Justice Department’s Public Integrity Section. “There have been countless examples of bad faith prosecutions in the past 18 months, and good reason to assume this is another.”

Former prosecutors say the department is now witnessing the cost of stripping out longstanding insulation between law enforcement and the White House, as well as decisions to gut structures like the Public Integrity Section, where career prosecutors pursued politically charged cases with safeguards designed to limit political influence.

Particularly at the early stages of an investigation where the precise allegations and evidence remain sketchy, the result for the public — especially when information comes from the people being investigated, rather than court filings — can often be a confusing muddle.

So far, no charges have been leveled at Newsom or his wife.

Newsom’s former chief of staff, Dana Williamson, did plead guilty last month to campaign finance fraud and other charges stemming from her prior job. But her attorney has said she had no evidence of wrongdoing by Newsom.

A person familiar with the investigation related to the Newsoms, who spoke with POLITICO on condition of anonymity to share sensitive details, said the probe originated in California, not Washington, and had been underway for about a year.

The charges and counter-charges of “weaponization” of the Justice Department may be taking their toll in ways that go beyond the ability of prominent figures to parry allegations of wrongdoing.

Trump administration prosecutors have failed at a remarkable clip to convince grand juries to indict in sensitive cases, and they’ve had to abandon significant cases amid evidence of prosecutorial misconduct. Most pointedly, a federal judge concluded last month that Justice Department prosecutors had committed glaring misconduct in the case of Kilmar Abrego Garcia, which he said was infected with “retaliatory taint” after Abrego won a legal victory against his illegal deportation that embarrassed the White House.

And the failures in high-profile criminal cases are only part of what is straining DOJ’s relationship with the courts. It has been under strain amid the deluge of immigration detention cases that has flooded court dockets since last year and been accompanied by innumerable violations of court orders and questions from judges about the department’s trustworthiness.

Of course, it’s difficult to know how much of DOJ’s struggles is attributable to increased skepticism about the credibility of federal prosecutors as opposed to the departure of seasoned litigators — leaving less experienced prosecutors at the helm — and institutional decisions to seek indictments in cases with weak evidence.

Urge Albania to halt construction

European lawmakers urge Albania to halt construction on Kushner-linked project

Lawmakers adopted a resolution calling for an immediate moratorium on new permits and construction in the country’s protected areas.

By Jakob Weizman

The European Parliament on Wednesday urged Albania to suspend construction in protected areas, piling pressure on Prime Minister Edi Rama over a proposed Jared Kushner-linked luxury resort that has sparked the country’s largest protests in decades.

Albania has seen 18 days of continuous protests, dubbed "The Flamingo Revolution," over the project, as well as demonstrations organized by the diaspora in the U.S., UK, Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Sweden and Australia. Calls to halt the project and repeal crucial laws on investments and protected areas have been accompanied by demands that Rama resign.

“The flamingo protest shows that citizens care about protecting the environment and joining the EU. We will stand with them, supporting their protest against Trump allies who exploit their natural heritage and supporting their journey towards the EU,” said Dutch MEP Tineke Strik, shadow lawmaker from the Greens–European Free Alliance group for the Commission’s 2025 report on Albania.

Lawmakers in Strasbourg adopted their resolution on the 2025 Commission Report on Albania, which, among other things, called for an immediate moratorium on new permits and construction in protected areas. While an earlier amendment had mentioned the proposed Kushner development, this was rejected, with the adopted version not mentioning any specific project.

The move echoes the Commission’s own warnings in its report and in recent weeks that Albania risks losing momentum in its EU accession process if it presses ahead without an environmental impact assessment.

The European Parliament and Commission are also pressuring Albania to reverse changes to its protected areas law and repeal its strategic investments law, which opened the door to development projects such as Kushner's.

"Europe should pay close attention to what is happening in Albania. There is no better guarantee for the path toward accession to the European Union than a living, conscious people capable of mobilizing against predatory capitalism, in defense of justice, the commons and freedom," said Italian MEP Ilaria Salis during a debate on Tuesday.

Enlargement Commissioner Marta Kos told reporters on Monday that she was given "assurance from the Government of Albania that a full environmental impact assessment will be carried out and that European environmental standards will be respected."

She also pointed out that Albania "is one of the frontrunners in the enlargement process and has made important progress on environmental protection."

Rama reacted to the resolution in a post on Instagram, criticizing it and those who started the recent protests and insisting that "flamingos will be protected, Vjose-Narta will be protected, Zvernec will be developed based on an Environmental Impact Assessment according to European Union standards."

Threatens to freeze Hegseth’s travel

Senate threatens to freeze Hegseth’s travel in bid for boat strike videos, Iran school strike probe

Major defense legislation approved by the Senate Armed Services Committee freezes three quarters of the Defense Secretary’s travel budget until Congress gets what it wants.

By Connor O'Brien and Leo Shane III

Senate lawmakers are threatening to freeze Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth’s travel budget if the Pentagon doesn’t turn over more details about the deadly bombing of an Iranian girls school in February and full videos of lethal strikes against alleged drug smuggling boats in the waters off Latin America.

The provisions, tucked into the Senate Armed Services Committee’s defense policy bill, would withhold 75 percent of the Pentagon chief’s travel budget until lawmakers receive the documentation.

The move is an escalation from late last year, when lawmakers passed and President Donald Trump signed defense legislation that restricted a quarter of Hegseth’s travel budget in an effort to force the department to turn over the videos and fulfill other lingering requests. The renewed provisions suggest lawmakers still haven’t gotten the information they want.

It also signals continued bipartisan dissatisfaction with the Pentagon ignoring or slow-walking responses to congressional inquiries. The provisions are part of the annual National Defense Authorization Act approved last week by the Republican-led panel. Senate Armed Services leaders filed the bill on Tuesday.

Lawmakers, including some of Trump’s GOP allies, have complained Pentagon leadership has kept them in the dark on major national security decisions. They’ve underscored that dissatisfaction as they’ve demanded more information about the nascent Iran peace deal Trump and his team have been trying to sell in Washington.

The latest Senate bid to jam the Pentagon faces a long road to becoming law. Competing legislation approved by the House Armed Services Committee doesn’t include similar language. The funding freeze must survive negotiations between the two chambers over the next few months.

More than 200 individuals have been killed in U.S. boat strikes against suspected drug traffickers since September 2025. Congressional Democrats have repeatedly attacked the justification for the mission — Operation Southern Spear — as legally unsound and raised the possibility the strikes could amount to war crimes.

Lawmakers in particular were alarmed by revelations of a “double tap” strike in September that killed survivors of an initial attack against a suspected drug vessel in the Caribbean Sea. Senate Armed Services Chair Roger Wicker (R-Miss.), after reviewing the episode, concluded there was no evidence the U.S. committed a war crime with the attack.

Roughly 150 individuals — mostly children — were killed in the bombing of the elementary school in Minab on Feb. 28 in the opening hours of the U.S. assault on Iran. DOD officials for months have said the incident is under investigation but have not confirmed the damage was a result of errant American munitions.

In all, the panel linked Hegseth’s travel funds to more than a half-dozen requests for information. Senators are also demanding more information on three American air strikes against suspected Houthi military sites in April 2025 and an unspecified investigation by U.S. Special Operations Command in January.

Most Democrats opposed the $1.15 trillion defense bill over a lack of restraints on the Trump administration as it pursues the war against Iran and continued boat strikes. But the bill includes some bipartisan measures taking aim at Hegseth’s Pentagon tenure.

Senators approved a provision that requires the Pentagon to inform Congress within five days of the early departure or firing of a three- or four-star general or admiral. The move follows Hegseth’s firings of numerous senior officers without explanation. A similar measure was included in the House defense bill.

Another embarrassing blemish, and not just on his hands...

Rick Jackson’s Georgia win is an embarrassing blemish on Trump’s record

The self-funding businessman just proved an outsider can still topple the president's endorsement, if they have enough cash.

By Andrew Howard, Alec Hernandez, William Steakin and Erin Doherty

President Donald Trump’s primary victory spree has a new $100 million asterisk.

That’s the record-breaking sum the upstart self-funding businessman Rick Jackson spent to defeat Trump’s chosen candidate in the GOP primary for Georgia governor. Jackson’s flood of ads helped drown out Lt. Gov. Burt Jones and other Republicans up and down the ballot, as the billionaire tried to convince voters that he didn’t need Trump’s explicit endorsement to be a true MAGA warrior. In the end, his pitch worked, through persuasion or sheer force.

Tuesday’s result is the latest embarrassing and high-profile blemish in what had been a near-perfect record this year for the president. Just two weeks ago, another Trump-backed candidate — Rep. Randy Feenstra of Iowa — failed to win his gubernatorial race. And across the map Tuesday he saw mixed success.

Trump-endorsed Rep. Barry Moore cruised in his Alabama Senate runoff, though he had help from a pro-crypto super PAC that spent millions. Trump’s picks in two Oklahoma races are headed to runoffs after failing to surpass 50 percent of the vote in crowded primaries. Rep. Mike Collins (R-Ga.) won the Senate runoff to take on Democratic Sen. Jon Ossoff, but it was far from a blowout victory and Trump’s 11th-hour endorsement makes it hard to give him full credit for the win.

“The Trump endorsement has an effect, but it’s not overwhelming. It’s not the end-all-be-all for politics in Georgia,” said Jason Shepherd, the former Cobb County Republican chair who supported Jackson in the race.

Jones supporters and Trump allies were quick to blame Jackson’s cash — but some in the lieutenant governor’s orbit also suggested the president didn’t do enough to hit Jackson.

“[Trump] absolutely moved the needle. He just moved the needle 15 points when we needed him to move the needle 25 points,” said a Georgia operative who backed Jones and was granted anonymity to discuss the dynamics of the race candidly.

Trump endorsed Jones early in a crowded race. But while Trump often unloads against his political rivals, he was notably quiet on Jackson, even as he chipped away at Jones’ lead in the polls.

Jackson, a onetime Trump-skeptic turned MAGA ally and Trump donor, tied himself closely to the president on the campaign trail, repeatedly insisting he would be “Trump’s favorite governor.”

“I feel pretty certain that there’s never been a candidate that the president endorsed that got outspent by $90 million in the primary,” said a second GOP operative who supported Jones. Still, the person acknowledged: “If you’re a Jones supporter, you would have loved if the president would have said something bad about Rick Jackson.”

Trump brought Jones on stage at an official White House event in February in the northwestern corner of the state and appeared on a pair of telerallies, but some Jones supporters questioned Tuesday night whether he could have done more to boost his candidacy amid the onslaught of spending from Jackson.

“I’m the only candidate who doesn’t owe a thing to the political establishment,” Jackson said in his election night victory speech. “I don’t care what special interests want, how much they beg, how much they give me. I can’t be bought, and I won’t back down.”

The acknowledgement from some Jones supporters that Trump could have done more to boost his preferred candidate could be a warning in other GOP primaries.

Polling in next week’s South Carolina gubernatorial runoff shows Trump-backed Lt. Gov. Pamela Evette struggling to hold onto her lead as other Republicans in the state rally behind her opponent. In Louisiana, GOP Rep. Julia Letlow succeeded in ousting a Trump foe in Sen. Bill Cassidy, but still needs to defeat state Treasurer John Fleming — also a MAGA ally — in the Senate runoff later this month. And in Oklahoma, Trump’s candidates may need some extra juice from the president to win their August runoffs.

Even before voters hit the polls on Tuesday, Trump-world was working to paint a Jackson win as a win for the movement.

“No matter who wins tomorrow, it’s a victory for MAGA,” Donald Trump Jr. wrote on X Monday afternoon.

Some Trump-world advisers privately scoffed at Jackson’s massive spending and the lengths his campaign and supporters went to project alignment with the president despite not receiving his endorsement. Some of the efforts drew notice among Trump-world advisers, including a mailer that featured a photo of Jackson and the president alongside the line: “Businessmen. Outsiders. Men of action,” as well as a digital video that highlighted Jackson’s $1 million donation to Trump’s political operation.

“Rick Jackson set a record for spending in a statewide Republican primary. He spent Tom Steyer level money in a state the fraction the size of California,” a Trump political operative said. “That’s going to have an impact.”

The president himself didn’t seem to sweat the loss.

“I HAD A LOT OF BIG ELECTION WINS LAST NIGHT. THANK YOU TO ALL!!!” Trump said on Truth Social early Wednesday morning. Just a few minutes later, he worked to take at least some credit for Jackson’s win.

“Congratulations to Rick Jackson, who very successfully campaigned on being ‘TRUMP,’ and won,” Trump wrote.