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My simple blog of pictures of travel, friends, activities and the Universe we live in as we go slowly around the Sun.



August 11, 2026

At least 224

Death toll from Colombia earthquake rises to at least 224, according to CNN tally

By Gonzalo Zegarra and Catherine Nicholls

The death toll from yesterday’s earthquake in Colombia has risen to 224 people killed, according to a CNN count based on reports from agencies and authorities in the country.

Since CNN’s last update, nine more deaths have been reported in the department of Chocó in western Colombia, according to its governor Nubia Carolina Córdoba-Curi.

A total of 138 people have also been injured with another five people missing in the department, Córdoba-Curi said.

Confronts a major disaster

Days into his term, Colombia’s president confronts a major disaster

By Max Saltman

The earthquake is one of the first major challenges for Colombia’s new President Abelardo de la Espriella. He took office only last week after his election on a far-right platform, promising to strike hard at criminal groups and leftist militants in Colombia.

He mocked previous government efforts at peacemaking in his inaugural address, declaring that the “option of dialogue is completely exhausted.”

It had been expected that De la Espriella’s first week in office would be devoted to that security agenda. Criminals killed a police officer in northern Colombia with explosive drones less than 24 hours after de la Espriella was sworn in. The next day, his government shared video of 117 high-profile prisoners being shuffled to different maximum-security facilities.

“A country without security has nothing, and we are going to recover it with an iron fist,” de la Espriella said in the video.

Just before the earthquake struck, the BBC reported that De la Espriella’s government targeted and killed the alleged leader of a leftist militant group.

The earthquake may prove to be a test of de la Espriella’s anti-crime strategy in addition to his disaster management skills. The epicenter of the earthquake was in Chocó, one of Colombia’s more underdeveloped regions and a significant hub for criminal and militant activity.

It’s unclear how the security situation in Chocó will affect rescue, recovery and rebuilding efforts in the aftermath of the earthquake. Government statistics show that Colombia has seen a 20% increase in injuries from landmines planted by paramilitary groups in recent years.

Last year, the City Paper Bogota reported the department’s governor saying that people are “afraid to walk” in many areas for fear of triggering a mine.

70 aftershocks

More than 70 aftershocks have occurred since quake, Colombian Geological Service says

By Gonzalo Zegarra

Colombia’s Geological Service has recorded more than 70 aftershocks across the country since the deadly 7.4 magnitude earthquake took place yesterday, with the latest being felt a short while ago.

The new seismic event this morning had a magnitude of 3.8, the agency said. Although far less powerful than yesterday’s earthquake, this was still felt in several cities across the country.

The epicenter of the aftershock, at a depth of 99 kilometers, was once again located in San José del Palmar, in the department of Chocó.

It is “likely” that aftershocks will continue to occur, the Colombian Geological Service said yesterday afternoon, when it had already counted nearly 50 seismic events, the largest of which was magnitude 4.8.

“These can last for days, weeks, or even months, as energy continues to be released until the areas surrounding the rupture zone of the main earthquake are balanced again,” it explained.

The brave, The strong, The hid in a truck.....

Trump secretly switched planes in Turkey amid security concerns, official says

By Kevin Liptak, Alejandra Jaramillo, Donald Judd

President Donald Trump secretly slipped out of Turkey last month on an alternate military plane, which he boarded while hidden inside a catering truck, as part of an elaborate ruse prompted by an Iranian threat, according to a US official.

The clandestine security plan — first reported by the Washington Post and confirmed by CNN — underscored the lengths American officials went to in order to protect Trump from being assassinated by Iran.

Trump had flown to Turkey on a new plane gifted by Qatar and meant to be used as Air Force One. But while he was on the trip, officials announced he would fly out on an older presidential plane, which CNN and others had previously reported was due to security concerns.

That, though, was apparently part of the subterfuge. After boarding the older aircraft, a moment caught on camera, Trump secretly got off via the catering vehicle and moved to a smaller Air Force C-32A. The Qatari-gifted plane, the older aircraft used as Air Force One and the C-32A then all departed separately for the UK. Once there, Trump got on board the Qatari-gifted plane and flew home.

For the last month, much of the public discussion about the plane swap had been centered on the security capabilities of the Qatari-donated plane. Trump had boasted about the new aircraft — even though officials felt it was not as secure as other planes because it had to be retrofitted to serve as Air Force One — and the president seethed privately over coverage of its deficiencies, CNN previously reported.

Now, attention is likely to shift to reporters and staffers unknowingly flying on a decoy plane — and the nature of the threat that prompted such dramatic security measures.

When asked about the reports of the secret plane switch, White House spokesperson Steven Cheung told CNN, “The new Air Force One is a state-of-the-art aircraft that has been fitted with high-level security protocols that ensure the safety of the President and his staff. As the President has said recently, there are many enemies of America who have their sights on him, and we use every tool at our disposal to address those threats.”

A Democratic national security aide said Tuesday that the Gang of Eight — the top lawmakers on Capitol Hill who oversee the intelligence community — was not briefed on the episode, but noted that presidential movements are not something Congress gets deeply involved in managing. “Congress should have been briefed on the threat, if not the episode,” the aide said.

A Republican aide to a member of the Gang of Eight said they could not comment on actions of the group.

Secretary of State Marco Rubio on Tuesday, meanwhile, ignored a question from CNN about whether the administration put Americans at risk by flying Air Force One while it was under threat.

Details from the presidential travel pool — a group of journalists who travel with the president and document his movements — provide a closer look at the unusual sequence of events surrounding Trump’s departure from Turkey following a consequential NATO summit.

Trump was aboard the old Air Force One in Ankara as of 8:26 p.m. local time, according to a pool report.

Air Force One was wheels up at 8:43 p.m. local time, according to a subsequent pool report, 17 minutes later.

The pool was also “advised to keep our window shades in the press cabin closed,” according to a pool note from Politico’s Megan Messerly. This is extraordinarily unusual, and seemed indicative of a security situation; Trump would later say it was “because you’re probably on a dangerous flight because of the sleaze bags that we have to deal with.”

A supplemental pool note from ABC’s Michelle Stoddart on Tuesday, sent in light of the secret plane revelation, noted that a Secret Secret agent came back to the press cabin to remind the media to keep the shades closed. When a photographer attempted to lift a shade, they were quickly told to lower it again. And when the press inquired with White House staff about why, they said only that it was a request from Secret Service.

Video shows what appeared to be a catering truck parked next to Air Force One at Ankara’s Esenboga Airport during that time, about seven minutes before the aircraft begins taxiing.

The plane then was “wheels down” at RAF Mildenhall in England at 10:29 p.m. local time. But it wasn’t until roughly 20 minutes later that the pool notified news networks that an underwing shot — a camera angle from underneath the wing of the plane — was being set up to capture the president deplaning.

That is an unusually long period of time — and it’s enough that Trump theoretically would be able to get off the smaller plane and back on Air Force One before cameras could capture it. For comparison, CNN was part of the pool on Sunday, when it took roughly eight minutes between wheels down and the underwing shot to be established.

Trump was seen stepping off Air Force One about one minute after the pool alerted that the underwing shot was up.

That timing was notably faster than what CNN crews typically experience. Usually, it takes several minutes for the president to deplane after the pool crew has assembled under the aircraft. The pool is generally in position before the first Air Force One door is opened and the stairs for the president are put into place.

CNN reviewed pool video from Mildenhall that showed the stair car already in position and the aircraft door already open when the pool shot came up. There also appeared to be more security personnel on the tarmac than CNN crews are accustomed to seeing.

Trump later boarded the new Qatari-gifted Air Force One at 11:01 p.m., according to pool notes. The pool captured video of the president walking from one aircraft to the other.

CNN’s Kaitlan Collins and photojournalist Khalil Abdallah noted that when they traveled as part of the pool covering a trip to Davos, Switzerland, and had to turn around and board a new aircraft due to “a minor electrical issue,” the White House did not allow the CNN crew to film Trump transferring between planes. Instead, the crew was instructed to wait until he boarded the new aircraft.

During the flight on the Qatari-gifted plane, Trump was asked what prompted the aircraft switch.

Trump had said the change was to give US service members stationed at the British base “a chance to tour the Aircraft.” Pressed on whether there were any other issues, Trump quickly responded, “no issues.”

Trump was also asked why reporters had been instructed to lower the window shades on the aircraft.

He said it was “because you’re probably on a dangerous flight.”

“They didn’t ask me to close mine, but if they did, I would’ve done it,” Trump added.

“But if I go, you go. Right?” Trump said. “Perhaps someday you want to change professions.”

Trump ultimately landed at Joint Base Andrews in Maryland and deplaned Air Force One at 1:23 am ET before moving to the presidential limousine.

“He saluted and quickly loaded into the Beast,” a pool note said.

Sneaky Tactic to Let Nasty Industries Foul Our Air

Trump’s EPA Is Using This Sneaky Tactic to Let Nasty Industries Foul Our Air

Like John Oliver said, if you want to do something harmful, “put it inside something boring.”

Richard L. Revesz

Recently, millions of Americans have faced orange skies and air-quality alerts. The struggles many people had with the smoke are a sad reminder of the importance air quality has for our health. Yet the Trump administration has done everything in its power to make our air less clean. Now it is adopting new, stealthier strategies to weaken clean-air standards.

During its first year, the second Trump administration used a “shock and awe” approach to environmental deregulation. In an effort to erase climate policies, the Environmental Protection Agency claimed that climate change was not a serious problem, pointing to a report by hand-picked climate skeptics. The criticisms of the National Academy of Sciences and other prominent scientific organizations were so devastating that the EPA abandoned its reliance on the report when it eliminated key greenhouse gas standards, instead basing its decision primarily on shaky legal arguments.

In the second year of this term, the Trump administration has shifted gears, taking another legally indefensible approach that is less visible but even more pernicious because it extends to all pollutants, not just greenhouse gases. The EPA is now routinely determining that the benefits of reducing air pollution—that is, life-saving health benefits for Americans—are too uncertain to quantify or value at all in regulatory decisionmaking.

The administration is doing this without any analysis or citation to scientific studies. Extensive peer-reviewed science has used sophisticated techniques to quantify the impacts of pollution reductions and account for related uncertainty. And the EPA has relied on these findings for decades, including during the first Trump administration and other Republican administrations. But, beginning this year, EPA administrator Lee Zeldin has decided that every health benefit from air pollution reductions is too uncertain to count—and every regulatory cost dispositive.

The EPA announced its new approach in January in a rule on emissions from gas turbines, stating that it would no longer value public-health benefits from reducing fine particulate matter and ozone—two of the most prevalent and damaging air pollutants. The agency referenced uncertainties in how different concentrations of pollutants translate into negative health impacts like premature deaths; uncertainties in mortality valuations, which assign a dollar value to these deaths; and uncertainties in growth and discount rates, which are used to translate future impacts to present values. But the EPA’s longstanding techniques already accounted for these uncertainties.

As a result of its new approach, the EPA no longer estimates the number of lives saved or diseases and hospitalizations averted. It is assigning no value whatsoever to these environmental benefits, thereby ignoring the very health concerns the agency was created to address.

Later, the EPA doubled down on its new approach when it repealed one vehicle emission rule and delayed another one. It similarly did not consider these adverse health consequences in an air pollution regulation for coal and oil power plants, another air pollution regulation for wood products, and, earlier this month, in relaxing emissions test procedures for heavy-duty vehicles.

When the EPA first announced its new approach in January, Zeldin insisted that even though the agency would not assign a dollar value to averted deaths, it would “still be considering lives saved when setting pollution limits.” The subsequent regulatory proceedings confirmed that Zeldin’s statement was false.

Moreover, the EPA did not restrict its approach to particulate matter and ozone. The agency also refused to assign any benefits to the reduction of pollutants like nitrogen oxides and sulfur dioxide. And, similarly, in multiple proceedings, it ignored the benefits of reducing the emissions of greenhouse gases, including carbon dioxide, methane, and hydrofluorocarbons.

On the cost side of its regulatory analysis, the EPA’s approach is entirely different. The EPA is continuing to fully quantify and consider the compliance costs for affected industries, even though those costs are subject to many of the same uncertainties as the benefits. For instance, like health benefits, compliance costs are borne at different times and must be translated into present value (using the same discount rates that the EPA had found too uncertain to use for benefits).

The EPA is basing some of its cost analyses on disputed industry claims, as long as they align with the administration’s favored deregulatory narrative. To justify weakening requirements to reduce hydrofluorocarbons and other potent greenhouse gases in new refrigeration equipment, the agency relied on unverified assertions about costs from certain supermarkets and other regulated entities, even though major refrigeration trade associations opposed these claims and explained that the EPA action would in fact raise compliance costs.

Without any empirical evidence, Zeldin claimed that the EPA’s action “will be felt directly by American families in lower grocery prices.” But the refrigeration rule did not impose any costs on regulated entities until future replacements of refrigeration equipment may be needed. Recent increases in grocery prices have been driven largely by supply-chain disruptions and rising energy costs arising from the war in Iran. Any cost savings from this rule, therefore, were unlikely to be felt in the near term.

The EPA’s actions are plainly illegal. Agencies cannot put a thumb on the scale by taking account of a rule’s costs but not its benefits, particularly when there are established techniques for valuing the benefits.

Because there is no “big ticket” action like last year’s questioning of climate change, the EPA’s approach has largely gone under the radar. Zeldin appears to be following John Oliver’s adage that if you want to do something harmful, “put it inside something boring” to avoid public scrutiny. But the American people will suffer greatly as a result of these illegal actions, in the form of additional premature deaths, asthma attacks, hospitalizations, and other serious health consequences.

Screwed Over Thousands of Workers

Trump’s Mindless Rollback of Offshore Wind Has Screwed Over Thousands of Workers

“It is very frustrating, but it’s out of our control.”

Ajani Stella

When Gerard Mullin decided to train in offshore wind, he didn’t know what to expect. But on his first long-term project in Massachusetts, he immediately relished the consistency of the work, the good pay, and the novelty of laboring at sea.

“I thought it was the best thing in the world,” he said.

In his first eight weeks working offshore, Mullin made more money than he had saved in the previous five years.

But the industry was on shaky ground. Mullin had his bags packed for five weeks offshore with Empire Wind in New York when President Donald Trump’s stop-work order last year stranded him at home in Boston. Trump—who had railed against the industry in his 2024 election campaign—halted all future permitting last year and canceled 12 offshore wind leases this spring and summer. 

Thousands of workers like Mullin who were promised steady, well-paying careers in offshore wind now find themselves racing to secure the few positions left or returning to their prior work. Meanwhile, the supply chain that emerged to support offshore development has been left adrift, including in towns in need of a promised economic boost.

Those are less-discussed consequences of the political turmoil besetting the domestic industry, said Elizabeth Wilson, a professor at Dartmouth College studying offshore wind. “All of the promises of economic development that offshore wind was supposed to help support have evaporated,” Wilson said.

“All of a sudden, the federal government is concerned with my work, and there’s nothing I can do to change how they view it,” Mullin said. “Now there are things completely outside of my control, changing how I make a living.”

Trump has long scorned offshore wind, calling the 2012 project he unsuccessfully opposed near one of his Scottish golf courses “disgusting and inappropriate.” His administration, which has inaccurately described renewables as costly and unreliable as it tries to block them in favor of climate-altering fossil fuels, said his offshore wind policies are good for the economy and workers.

“President Trump has delivered on his popular promise to reverse the Left’s costly Green New Scam to lower prices for families and businesses and strengthen our country’s energy security,” Taylor Rogers, a White House spokeswoman, said in a statement. “By prioritizing the production of reliable, affordable, and secure energy sources, the President has restored US energy dominance—creating thousands of good-paying energy jobs across the country.”

Tim Sullivan, who was CEO of the New Jersey Economic Development Authority until December, said he can’t comprehend the White House’s logic.

“It’s the strangest thing: I’ve spent 15 or so years working in public-sector economic development; I’ve never seen people cheering for job destruction, particularly elected officials,” he said.

As a pile driver, a specialized structural laborer essential to offshore wind projects, Mullin lived and worked on a ship five weeks at a time, followed by five weeks at home with his family. It was a schedule that suited him well. 

Mullin joined offshore wind projects across Massachusetts, Virginia, and New York. His employer, an international contractor, even brought him and other members of his union across the Atlantic for a wind project off the coast of Scotland. 

Now, Mullin is back to the same type of onshore construction work he did four years ago, before he started with wind. “The writing was on the wall that this idea that I’m going to go to the same ship, five weeks on, five weeks off, steady—that just isn’t the reality anymore,” Mullin said.

Joshua Grigsby, 42, took his son to Rio de Janeiro, Disney World, and SeaWorld. Natalie MacDonald, 26, stopped living paycheck to paycheck. Others bought homes and started families.

Inside Climate News spoke with over a dozen workers and union leaders who said the financial opportunities from the nascent US offshore wind industry had been unparalleled. They saw long-term careers ahead of them. They feel that opportunity slipping through their fingers.

Anthony Hibbard was on one of the first boats that carried ironworkers to Vineyard Wind, off the coast of Massachusetts. What he found was “financial freedom,” he said, and he worked his way up to become a foreman on Coastal Virginia Offshore Wind. 

After the Trump administration’s moves to scuttle the industry, Hibbard returned to local, onshore jobs in Portland, Maine, where he earns just one-fifth of what he did offshore.

“I make enough to get by, but I like to be smart with my money, and I don’t have the scope to continue being smart with it,” Hibbard said. “It’s definitely—you can feel the difference, that’s for sure.”

The loss of offshore wind has had financial consequences for many union workers. While many were paid the same per hour as jobs they could find onshore, they could work more than double the hours, and the company covered many living expenses. Grigsby made double to triple what he did onshore.

When Zaheer Razi, 28, joined the Piledrivers Local 56 union as a commercial diver, he transitioned into offshore wind as soon as he could. The logic was that it could be the anchor for people’s careers, he said—union leaders told workers to “set your roots down,” expecting over a decade of steady work.

He’s still working on Revolution Wind near Rhode Island, but he knows it won’t last.

“I’m probably one of the few guys that’s probably going to be working till mid-August, I believe, and then it’s really going to be silent for the next two or three years,” Razi said. “It is very frustrating, but it’s out of our control. Nobody could have really predicted it, but at this point, we’re just riding it out for what we can.”

Razi’s project is one of the five major US wind farms that appear to remain on track despite the political backlash. But they are nearing completion and the permitting pipeline is all but blocked, meaning construction jobs will soon evaporate, according to multiple experts and union leaders.

Kris Ohleth, director of the Special Initiative on Offshore Wind, a US policy think tank, attributed the lack of employment prospects to the political uncertainty that has stymied investor interest.

“We’ve trained them, we’ve given them this great experience, they’re building their futures for their families, and now they have no projects to work on,” Ohleth said of the offshore wind labor force, “and that’s because of the lack of market confidence.” 

At the time of Trump’s election, the market research firm BloombergNEF forecast that the United States would build 39 gigawatts of offshore wind by 2035, enough electricity to power 13 million homes. By the end of last year, the firm had downgraded that prediction to just 6 gigawatts, according to Harrison Sholler, a wind analyst at BNEF. 

For Garrison Biel, an offshore wind diver, the industry’s decline has meant there are close to no employment opportunities left. “They’re more gigs than jobs,” Biel said. “They’re like short hitches, trying to wrap things up, tidy everything up. So I know people that are still working, but it’s not like how it was the first couple of years when it started, where that’s all you needed to do.”

He switched back to commercial diving around eight months ago because “what was available left offshore was slim pickings,” he added.

Biel said the offshore wind industry was supposed to be reliable, with guaranteed time off to make up for the long periods away from home and the weeklong, 12-hour-per-day shifts.

“Now, everybody that’s doing it, they get off the boat after working seven-twelves for a couple of weeks and they go right back to work, because they don’t know if they’re ever going to go back out on a boat again,” he said.

Grigsby was able to buy a house with his money from offshore wind. His union’s business manager, John Dunderdale, said at least a dozen other members of Piledrivers Local 56 did the same.

When these projects disappear, “you’re taking away their means of bringing back into the community,” Dunderdale said. 

“Now you have a member sitting home, collecting unemployment, because there’s no work,” he added.

Benjamin Hawkins, who lives in Whitman, Massachusetts, said he made enough to upgrade his parents’ house and enjoy a new degree of “leverage” over his life.

“It’s heartbreaking, because you wonder about what’s going to happen in the future with your money,” Hawkins said.

He added: “Offshore wind was the reason I could improve that life, so to have the president affect my life, just as an average American—it was not on my bingo card.”

Offshore wind first began edging into the US energy market in 2011, decades after it had taken off in Europe. An Obama administration study that year predicted that a vibrant offshore wind industry could help meet the nation’s renewable energy needs while investing in infrastructure and creating “thousands of construction and operational jobs.”

The first US offshore wind farm, Block Island, came online near Rhode Island in 2016, and states began offering financial incentives to drive development. The Biden administration made offshore wind a central priority in 2021, and from there, state and federal agencies geared up for a boom. The federal government sold leases to major international energy companies that began to see the US as an attractive market, centered in the Northeast, Virginia, and California.

Construction and permitting began in force not long before Trump returned to office with a promise to kill offshore wind. “That’s like somebody working on skyscrapers, and then somebody saying, ‘We’re not allowed to build any skyscrapers,’” Biel said. “It’s just a kind of crazy thing.”

No comprehensive or exact estimate of offshore wind-related jobs exists, but New Jersey’s Economic Development Authority estimated in 2022 that a typical project creates around 1,000 construction jobs per year and 100 lifetime operational jobs. 

Dunderdale said shutting down any project at that size and scale is a “huge hit,” both for the workers and their local economies.

Central to the fledgling domestic industry was the growth of training and certification programs, primarily through community colleges and unions.

Millwrights Local 1121, which operates across New England, met with developers in 2021 to start offshore wind job training, which would cost $10,000 to $20,000 per person. It was worth it, said the union’s vice president and business manager, Andy Benedetto, because they had heard there would be “years’ and years’ worth of work.” 

“We invested millions of dollars in training, more or less, and lots of hours went into putting all this together, and now that work is dried up for the foreseeable future,” Benedetto said. “We hope not too long, but we built this whole workforce, and we sold this dream to our members that if they get involved and get the training and go on this first project, then they’re going to carry over for the next 10 years.”

His union wasn’t alone. Public and private investments poured in to develop the new workforce. New York, New Jersey, and Massachusetts led the Northeast with millions of dollars in grants to training and research programs.

Ironworkers Local 7, which operates across the Northeast, received $300,000 from Massachusetts in 2022 “to be ready for when the work comes,” said Grant Provost, the union’s Maine business agent. “And the work never really came.”

Dunderdale helped build the only US-based school with heavy-lift training for Piledrivers Local 56. In total, offshore wind training cost the union about $30,000 per person, which he said was “an investment in the member.”

Esther Rosario, executive director of the labor coalition Climate Jobs New York, said unions that spent years preparing for the offshore wind economy have to reassess their plans.

“We’re ready to work, we’re ready to build, we have the trained workforce—we need work,” Rosario said. “You can’t apprentice somebody into a job that doesn’t exist.”

Offshore wind was billed as a boon not just for the building trades but for the entire economy. Manufacturing would move to the United States and locals would fill those jobs. For port cities like Massachusetts’ Salem and New Bedford, or New Jersey’s Paulsboro, the loss has threatened years of expected economic progress.

In August 2025, Trump canceled a $34 million grant to build an offshore wind terminal in Salem, which Frank Callahan Jr., president of the Massachusetts Building Trades Unions, said at the time put 800 construction workers out of a job.

“It means fewer jobs, fewer career opportunities,” Callahan said in a recent interview. As an example of this loss, he pointed to Prysmian Group, an Italian manufacturer, abandoning plans in January 2025 for an offshore wind cable plant near New Bedford.

At one point, Salem County, New Jersey—one of the state’s poorest counties—was poised to gain 1,500 new jobs for its population of 65,000. 

“That’s a huge inflection point in that county’s economy that at this point is hard to see materializing any time soon,” said Sullivan, the former New Jersey official.

The thousands of offshore wind workers aren’t all suddenly unemployed. Most did some trade work before, and unions are used to moving members onto different projects when conditions shift.

Still, Provost, the Ironworkers business agent, said offshore wind is a huge dent in unions’ portfolio of opportunities.

“If we’re not building offshore wind, and we’re not building jobs like that, you got to get in on university- and state-funded projects, and that doesn’t keep everybody busy,” Provost said. “We’ve got a massive amount of unemployed people in Local 7 right now.”

And just because workers can transition doesn’t mean they want to. If he had a choice, Hawkins said, “I’d never work on land again.”

In addition to the financial opportunity, Razi said offshore wind was a once-in-a-lifetime experience. “We were meeting people from all over Europe, all over the world, and it was just a great environment to learn as somebody being in their mid-20s,” said Razi, who is finishing up an offshore diving job.

Living and working together consistently for weeks on end, crews became good friends, even vacationing together and learning each other’s languages. Hawkins joked that every rigger knew how to curse in at least three languages.

“It’s like being at the UN,” he said.

Benedetto said the millwrights he represents are eager to return to offshore wind, but they feel burned by political headwinds turning against them.

“They did a good job,” he said, “and they’re bummed out that they’re middle-class workers being used as pawns.”

Last November, Mullin’s building in Boston caught on fire, and he lost everything he owned. Six weeks later, he said, he was able to buy a condo near the city. “That would not have been possible without offshore wind,” he said.

Mullin said he wishes others, especially young people entering the trades for the first time, could have the opportunity he did.

“It’s just too bad because they were good jobs and people were happy with them,” he said. “And it really was just a fair day’s work for a fair day’s pay.”

Has a tiny dick.....

Why Is Pete Hegseth Purging Women From Command? Doug Wilson Is Why.

He preaches holy war, iron discipline, and male dominance. And one of his disciples runs the Pentagon.

Kiera Butler

On a brilliantly sunny day in early May, I found myself in Moscow, Idaho, eating brunch with Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth’s spiritual leader, Doug Wilson.

We dove into the quiche, studded with bits of bacon and onion, prepared by his wife, Nancy, as we sat in the sun-drenched breakfast nook of their compound, high on a hill above rolling farmland. The ­emerald-green wheat fields below looked like a golf course for giants.

Wilson, a self-proclaimed Christian nationalist, is the 73-year-old senior pastor and founder of Christ Church, a congregation of approximately 3,000 in Moscow. But his influence extends far beyond this small town. Wilson has spoken at high-­profile conservative events, including the 2024 National Conservatism conference, where then-Sen. JD Vance was also a headliner. He appeared on a political strategy panel with Russell Vought, President Donald Trump’s Office of Management and Budget director and a key architect of the Heritage Foundation’s Project 2025 conservative blueprint. He’s also the co-creator of the Communion of Reformed Evangelical Churches, a global network of 160 congregations—including the one Hegseth attends in Washington, DC. A few months before my visit to Idaho, Hegseth had invited Wilson to the Pentagon to deliver a sermon to troops and officials on the importance of faith in times of war.

A core tenet of Wilson’s beliefs is that a patriarchal society, what he calls “biblical masculinity,” is both a religious mandate and “cultural gluten,” as he wrote in his 2023 book, Mere Christendom. “Without it, the cookie just crumbles to pieces in your hand, and is tasteless on top of that.” In a previous book, Fidelity: How to Be a One-Woman Man, he wrote: “The sexual act cannot be made into an egalitarian pleasuring party. A man penetrates, conquers, colonizes, plants. A woman receives, surrenders, accepts.” For that reason, he went on, the dynamic of a dominant man and a submissive woman is “an erotic necessity.” As Wilson put it in an interview with CNN last year: “Women are the kind of people that people come out of.”

He also has called feminists “a large army of singularly unattractive and bitchy women” and said women serving in the military are “loathsome” to God—an observation that may inform Hegseth’s hostility to women in senior military leadership. In all matters, he believes, wives should defer to their husbands, the “covenant heads” of the family. Women shouldn’t assume church leadership roles, or speak in church, and heads of households, overwhelmingly male, should vote on behalf of their entire families.

For the last two years, as I’ve covered the rise of Christian nationalism, Wilson and I have developed a mildly adversarial email rapport. I ask questions; he answers, sometimes working in a little dig, like calling Mother Jones a “commie publication.”

As Hegseth was bragging about his “kinetic strikes” on narco-terrorist vessels and then launching the attack on Iran, I began to realize that the secretary’s determination to eradicate “woke” from the US military tracks consistently with Wilson’s teaching of a warrior-like Christian faith. So I decided it was time Wilson and I met in person. I invited myself to Moscow, and he graciously accepted. Over the course of my five-day trip, I had unprecedented access to the world he has carefully built, which serves as a model for what he imagines a Christian United States might someday look like.

I would meet happy and prosperous families in Wilson’s realm, but also witness aspects of his faith’s exacting standards and obsession with discipline that align closely with Hegseth’s enthusiastic embrace of US military aggression and shed light on what it means for biblical masculinity to become the so-called Department of War’s defining ethic.

For Wilson’s followers, manliness isn’t optional. Kristin Kobes Du Mez, a professor of history at Calvin University in Michigan, has spent much of the last decade studying Wilson and his domain. In his view, “God has called men to be aggressive leaders,” she told me. “If they fail to follow through, then they are disobeying God.”

At first glance, Moscow, home to the University of Idaho’s flagship campus, looks like a quintessential couches-on-porches kind of college town, with ample coffee shops, cozy diners, and homages to the school mascot, a cartoon character named Joe Vandal. I arrived just before graduation, when there was a palpable giddiness in the air. As the breeze picked up white tufts of cottonwood seeds, it looked as though a down pillow factory had exploded. Tattooed and pierced students buzzed about in clusters.

But as I wandered around, I noticed another Moscow, one in which Wilson’s influence is omnipresent. On one downtown corner is a brick building housing New Saint Andrews College, which he helped found, where clean-cut young men in ­button-downs and khakis and women in crisp blouses and knee-length skirts milled about. Nearby are the offices of Canon Press, his book publisher. One of Wilson’s spinoff churches, King’s Cross, hosts a service inside an old movie theater. Another building, spanning an entire city block, is labeled “Kirker Commons.” (Wilson is heavily influenced by Scottish Calvinist tradition, and his congregants call themselves “Kirkers” after kirk, an old Scottish word for church.)

Nearby are other businesses owned by present or former Christ Church members: a Kirker pizzeria, a Kirker bar (they do like to drink, especially whiskey for the guys), a Kirker cafe, and a Kirker real estate office. My tour guide, a former Kirker, pointed out a common hallmark of Kirker families: stylishly dressed young moms pushing strollers, often trailed by a small flock of toddlers.

If you ask members of Wilson’s denomination to describe the distinction between reformed Christians and other evangelicals, they will rattle off a doctrinal list: They believe that people will go to Heaven because of God’s grace rather than good works; they don’t believe in the Jesus-is-coming-look-busy version of the end times; they baptize members as infants rather than wait for adults to choose for themselves. But there are profound aesthetic differences as well. Forget megachurches with jeans-and-­goatee pastors telling amusing anecdotes, or worship bands singing about, as one Kirker scoffed, “how Jesus is your boyfriend.” Wilson’s network of churches can feel almost puritanically unadorned—the music consists strictly of hymns and psalms; the sermons can be theologically heady, and even little children are expected to sit through them. Attendees will find these churches “uniformly hostile to the leftist agenda,” a pamphlet produced by Canon Press helpfully notes.

So confident are the Kirkers in their interpretation of the Bible that they believe people who don’t share their specific beliefs are not only going to Hell, but are doomed to earthly suffering. For them, Christian nationalism is redemptive, a lifeboat launched in a sea of drowning souls. One Kirker woman, who requested that I refer to her by her middle name, Linda, said she found upsetting the mere idea of an interfaith event that was happening in town that evening. It’s like saying, “We’re going to pat you on the head, you Baha’i, you Jew; we’re going to be like, ‘It’s okay,’” she said.

Not only would this be “lying,” Linda continued, growing increasingly adamant, “it’s kind of gross, actually, because if you believe that this is right, you wouldn’t want to tell someone, ‘What you believe is also right.’ That really hurts my heart.”

The Kirkers’ world is a fairly closed ecosystem. People who move to Moscow to join the church often send their children to Logos School, a classical Christian academy that Wilson and his wife helped found in 1981. Newcomers often find employment in one of the Kirker entities. If not, they can plug into the network of church-affiliated local businesses, which includes construction companies, an outpost of a major supplier of electrical transformers, and RedBalloon, an anti-woke job board that recently scored a contract with the State Department. Moscow’s Kirker community has swelled since the pandemic—so high is the demand for Logos School that it opened an impressive new campus last year and its roughly $7 million in revenue was almost double the previous year’s.

With so many families flocking to Moscow to attend his church, Wilson wrote an entire book last year with advice for the transplants. A Kirker real estate company is working on new builds for a planned community on the outskirts of town, where I spotted scores of freshly framed skeletons of future homes designed with ample space for large families.

Kirkers make up only about 10 percent of the town’s population of 27,000. But their influence is outsized, locals told me—in May, one Kirker won the Republican primary for the state legislature. Their presence is a particular thorn in the side of the Mormons, who have inhabited Idaho for generations and generally see Wilson’s camp as presumptuous upstarts.

Kirkers told me that they often feel unwelcome in Moscow. They showed me photos of the words “pedo” and “scum” spray-painted on a church affiliate’s campaign signs and a Wilson grandchild’s truck. Several people affiliated with the church mentioned that the church office had received anonymous death threats.

My first evening in Moscow, I attended a prayer event—the one Linda found objectionable­—hosted by the town’s Interfaith Association. Folk dancers stepped in time to a local cantor’s version of the Hebrew folk song “Hinei Ma Tov”; Baptist pastor Hannah Brown read a poem she had written about love; a singer performed the Christian rock anthem “Hold Me Jesus.” Jews, Baha’is, and members of progressive churches were present, as were some Catholics and Mormons. The crowd of about 300 held candles and sang spirituals like “This Little Light of Mine.”

Afterward, Brown, who’d helped plan the event, told me that the organizers had not explicitly invited Kirkers because they would not have expected them to participate. One requirement for membership in the Moscow Interfaith Association is that “you have to be open to promoting religious freedom and religious liberty for all faiths, and that’s not something that they are able to really get behind.”

If Moscow is a tale of two cities, it is also a tale of two Doug Wilsons. Brunch Doug was affable and warm, bearing little resemblance to the pugnacious Online Doug. A teddy bear of a guy dressed in a grandfatherly button-down, he eagerly showed me around his enormous study with floor-to-ceiling bookshelves. Nancy, too, was a muted version of her online persona. Her viral moments are not as numerous as Doug’s, but there are some bangers: One is a video in which she recalls spanking her ­preschool-age daughter for not being excited enough to see her at the end of a playdate; another is a passage from her 1997 book, The Fruit of Her Hands, arguing that there is no such thing as marital rape: “Of course, a husband is never trespassing in his own garden, though he can be made to feel as though he is an intruder.” Brunch Nancy, by contrast, gushed about her grandchild­ren and kept my coffee mug filled.

Between bites of quiche, the couple answered my questions about some of Doug’s more provocative statements in a manner so careful and measured that it was almost boring. Doug’s line about women being “the kind of people that people come out of” had been intended as a joke, one that the liberal media was obviously too sanctimonious to laugh at. The whole wives-being-submissive thing had also been overblown by the media—they could count only a handful of times in their own marriage when Doug had to overrule Nancy. Sure, they spanked their kids, but never in anger, and the children had grown into well-adjusted adults who endorse the discipline they received in their youth.

Wilson’s own childhood was a quiet one. When he was in high school, his pastor father moved the family from Maryland to Ann Arbor, Michigan, and then, after his graduation, they moved to the Moscow area to open Christian bookstores. Before finishing his stint in the Navy, Wilson met Nancy at his parents’ home—she was moving to Moscow to work at his father’s bookstore. The next year, Wilson returned to Moscow, enrolled at the University of Idaho, and worked at the bookstore with Nancy, to whom he eventually proposed.

A man and a woman sitting in chairs inside a home.
Doug and Nancy Wilson at home in Moscow.Bryce Duffy
They married in 1975; by then, Wilson was involved in a new Moscow church. Deeply influenced by the hippie-adjacent Jesus People Movement, he strummed a guitar during services and taught Sunday school. Two years later, he became the pastor of a congregation that would eventually become Christ Church. Over the next decade, though, Wilson grew wary of the wishy-washy elements of evangelicalism—some of his congregants had even begun questioning whether God could be omniscient. He was drawn instead to the more absolutist theology of Calvinism, which emphasizes an all-knowing God who has already preordained who goes to Heaven. His own brother ended up leaving Christ Church over their theological differences and started his own congregation. But for Nancy, the conversion to Calvinism was “wonderful.” She recalled, “I thought, ‘It’s not all gray and muddled anymore.’”

The Wilsons officially became “reformed”—another word for Calvinist—in 1988, and in the following years, Doug’s influence grew. Logos School became a robust K–12 institution, one of the nation’s first classical Christian schools. He started Canon Press, which published his popular homeschool curricula, in 1988 and in the ’90s launched the nationwide Association of Classical Christian Schools and helped found New Saint Andrews College. A series of new churches planted outside Moscow grew into an entire neo-Calvinist denomination, now known as the Communion of Reformed Evangelical Churches.

During the pandemic, Wilson and other church leaders flouted public health restrictions, organizing maskless outdoor psalm sings. These protests garnered media attention, which helped grow their flock as remote work allowed people to relocate to Moscow. Doug estimates that the church has doubled in size since the pandemic.

At the Wilsons’ compound, it wasn’t hard to see the appeal of the Kirker life. Nancy showed me a display she had made of her 18 grandchildren’s Logos graduation announcements and brought me up to speed on Judah, who had just graduated from New Saint Andrews and planned to work in DC. Belphoebe, sharing a name with a huntress character in Edmund Spenser’s classic poem “The Faerie Queene,” was now a mother of two. All the grandchildren remained devout and were raising their own kids—Doug and Nancy’s great-grandchildren—in the faith.

“We want to keep the covenant and not lose any of the kids or the grandkids or the great-grandkids to this alien way of thinking,” Doug said. In other Christian denominations, Nancy added: “You never know how your kids are going to turn out. When we became reformed, it’s like, no, the covenant. You know you are. You’re one of us.”

In Moscow, Wilson declared in 2024 on a podcast called Abounding Grace Radio, “we have happy families. It’s characterized by psalm singing, by feasting, by joy, by Sabbath dinners, by exuberant worship on the Lord’s day, a liberal arts education.”

In the Kirker families I met, the bliss that Doug described was on full display.

After brunch, I drove to the home of Emily and Nethaniel, a Kirker couple in their 40s whose five children ranged in age from 6 to 13. All attend Logos. Emily—tall, tan, and athletic with long, shiny brown hair—showed me around her Craftsman home. She and Nethaniel, who remodel houses as part of their construction business, had added an airy kitchen.

While her husband did chores, Emily, who requested I not use the family’s last name, set up a table and chairs in the shade of a tree that arched over their sprawling backyard. She told me she’d met her husband 20 years ago, right around the time she joined Wilson’s church as a young adult. “I’m a strong, very resilient woman, and I’m so thankful that I have a man in my life that I can look up to,” she said. “I can unload some of that pressure that I’m not built to carry on him—so it actually makes me softer and more delightful.”

During the nearly four hours I spent at Emily’s house, her five children played harmoniously in the yard: no fighting, tattling, or complaints of boredom. No one whined for a screen or a snack. When the old trampoline began to creak noisily from all the jumping, Emily gave a little call and motioned her kids off—they immediately and cheerfully obeyed.

It was, quite honestly, glorious, and I asked Emily her secret. “We’ve got this little mini-Taser we keep inside the house,” she joked. But really, she said, the key was their faith. “When you know who you are and what you’re for, everything else is so much more joyful.”

Another evening, I dined with one of the longest-standing Kirker families, the Mortimores, in their Bauhaus-style home nestled in the woods just outside town. From their back patio, over a dinner of steak fajitas with homemade salsa and guacamole, we watched the sun set over the fields below. Sarah and Tim, now in their early 50s, joined the church a quarter century ago—they loved the idea of raising a family in such a tight-knit community. Now they run a thriving construction business, which helped build the new Logos campus. Their teenage daughters, Grace and Catherine, were students at New Saint Andrews and Logos, respectively. Their son, Eliot, and his fiancée, Lucy, both 20, were due to be married the following weekend.

They were eager to hear my impressions of their community: Did it match what I read in media reports? They marveled at the fact that their very own Doug Wilson had become famous and got a kick out of his online controversies. They knew him as a benevolent guy who handed out Hershey’s Kisses to kids at church, shied away from the spotlight at parties, and rarely included personal anecdotes in his sermons. After dessert was cleared, we debated whether to continue the conversation outside or inside. “You decide, covenant head of the family!” Sarah joked to Tim. We finally settled on the living room, where we watched the hills turn purple through floor-to-ceiling windows.

Throughout the evening, their kids occasionally offered observations and opinions. “It’s a cultural expectation that kids hit a certain age and then they start to not like their parents, and they start to become surly—this is what we expect,” Sarah said. “And to be in a community where that is so rare, I’ve never even seen it.” The key, Tim told me, was simple: “to teach them the standard and to love the standard.” By this he meant, essentially, the idea that right and wrong are objective truths and that all questions are answered in the Bible.

I asked Eliot and Lucy about their plans. After their wedding, the couple would move to Cleveland, where Eliot had secured a tech job. Lucy intended to work until they started having babies and would then become a full-time mom. I asked whether they planned to follow the Christ Church model of marriage.

“She’s under her father’s headship, following her father’s lead,” Eliot explained. “I know she will do that for me. I know she will follow my lead if we’re going to move across the country, and she will do it cheerfully.”

“In a week—which is crazy!—when we stand up at the front of the church, and Pastor Wilson asks, ‘Who will give this woman to marry him?’” he added, “he’s transferring that headship of Lucy to me.”

June, a friend of the Mortimores who had joined us for the evening, seemed to read my mind, saying, “What the mainstream world hears is this little wallflower who’s just getting passed around, and she’s gonna wash some dishes, and she’s gonna change some diapers, and shut up, Lucy!” But it wasn’t like that at all, she said. “The ladies here, they’re a force. They are extremely fulfilled, super-smart, read a ton.”

Soon the conversation shifted from the power of the women to the unhappy fate of transgender people. Lucy, who had been quiet up until that point, motioned for Eliot to pass her one of my wireless microphones. “Kids that are growing up in pagan homes that have absolutely no standard, and they’re told, ‘Do what your heart desires, follow your heart, do whatever you think is best for you,’” she said in a quiet but deliberate voice. “We have a goal for raising a family and one day building a kingdom, and our children are going to be our greatest thing that we’ve ever done. And then we’ll go to Heaven and live eternally, and they have absolutely no plan afterwards.”

But how do you teach children to love “the standard”? For Kirker families, part of the answer lies in doling out harsh and immediate consequences and their belief in corporal punishment. Linda likens discipline to a violin string. “When you put it on the pegs, and you start cranking the peg until it’s nice and tight, it’s pulled almost to its limits, only then can it sing,” she said. “That’s kind of like with little children: If you don’t give them boundaries, they get really antsy.”

In his parenting videos on YouTube, Wilson and his team advise parents to mete out physical punishment liberally (but not publicly), especially in the first five years of a child’s life. At first, a mother may use her fingers to flick a baby on the cheek or hand—say, if the baby bites while nursing. By toddlerhood, a parent should use a dedicated implement, like a wooden spoon or a rod. At one point, Wilson, chuckling, told me about putting his 2-year-old son to bed with the wooden spanking spoon in the crib with him to remind him to stay put.

After a spanking, Kirker children must ask God to forgive them and are not permitted to sulk; they are expected to rejoin the family with a spirit of good cheer. In one 2021 parenting video, Ben Zornes, the pastor of a Wilson-affiliated church in Moscow, explained: “If you fuss and scream, it’s going to be more spanking. If you’re gonna mope and you’re going to be sad afterwards, it’s going to be more spankings.”

Home isn’t the only place Kirker kids get swats. At church, children can be taken out of the service and disciplined in a dedicated “training room.” Logos administrators also employ corporal punishment. In Idaho, like most states, the practice is still legal in private schools—only five states explicitly forbid it.

Infractions that might merit a spanking include hitting, biting, talking back, or fighting with a sibling. But simply not meeting the family’s expectations is another one. In that same parenting video, Toby Sumpter, a pastor at Christ Church, recalls watching a friend carry his 3-year-old out for a spanking; afterward, the child returned to the room, walked over to the vacuum cleaner, and kicked it. The father later explained that his son was afraid of the vacuum cleaner, so they’d required him to kick it every time he passed by. He was spanked because he had forgotten to do so.

Boys in particular require such tough love, Wilson says. “Boys need to get knocked down, and knocked down a lot, and your sons need to get knocked down by people who don’t love them nearly as much as you do,” he says in one 2021 parenting video. “Why? Because the world is a cold place, and he needs to be tough.”

It is also the job of parents to discourage boys from “anything that is frilly, playing with dolls, anything that looks like effeminacy or growing effeminacy,” Wilson told me. “You want to say, ‘We don’t want you to grow up in a way that sets you up for failure, and we’re going to teach you not to go down that road.’”

Discipline for effeminacy isn’t often necessary because the kids learned to enforce masculinity standards themselves. At one point, my conversation with the Mortimore kids turned to the casual use of slurs, like “retarded” and “gay.” I said I probably wouldn’t use those terms even to tease, because I would be afraid of hurting people’s feelings. Eliot said he didn’t have that worry. “For ‘gay,’ yeah, we would use it in our circles,” he explained, “because we don’t have gay people in our community, so we’re not worried about offending.”

“How do you know?” I asked.

He stopped, as though he’d never considered the possibility before. “That’s a great question,” he said.

The Kirkers’ beliefs about masculinity go beyond just discouraging effeminacy in boys. Rather, it’s central to their philosophy for building a more durable Christianity. As Kristin Kobes Du Mez, the historian, put it to me, they believe “American culture, the American church, and American evangelicalism have all become wussified, led by effeminate men who are not even leading…and as a result, the church and society are in a shambles,” she said. “So you need to work from the ground up. You need to work with young boys and teach them how to fight, how to be aggressive.”

In the offices of Canon Press, I met lead pastor Joe Rigney, who once presided over a Wilson-affiliated church in St. Paul, Minnesota—one that made national news in January when protesters outed one of its pastors as an ICE officer. Rigney is also the author of the 2025 book Leadership and the Sin of Empathy: Compassion and Its Counterfeits, in which he argues that a fixation on empathy has led mainstream evangelicals astray.

Women are naturally more empathetic than men, Rigney told me, a disposition that makes them unsuitable for church leadership, combat, and, in most cases, roles like CEOs of companies and professors at colleges. (All but three of the New Saint Andrews faculty are men.) “Women being the glue that often holds communities together through relational connection, nurture, care, hospitality—that’s a really great thing,” he said. But public life requires a man’s steely resolve. “Behind a lot of our political dysfunctions, whether it’s on things like abortion or the LGBT stuff or immigration, the throughline is that we can’t enforce boundaries because empathy overrides what’s truly good.”

The idea of empathy as a sin is having a moment. Conservative Christian podcaster Allie Beth Stuckey published a book, Toxic Empathy: How Progressives Exploit Christian Compassion, elaborating on the same theme. JD Vance hinted at the notion of misplaced empathy in 2025 when he talked about the Christian idea of ordo amoris, Latin for rightly ordered love. “I think it’s a very Christian concept that you love your family and then you love your neighbor, and then you love your community, and then you love your fellow citizens, and then after that, prioritize the rest of the world,” he said in a Fox News interview. “A lot of the far left has completely inverted that.” (Pope Francis disagreed with Vance’s interpretation, describing the concept instead as “love that builds a fraternity open to all, without exception.”) In an appearance last year on Joe Rogan’s podcast, Elon Musk famously said, “The fundamental weakness of Western civilization is empathy.”

Hegseth, too, has waged war against empathy, Wilson told me. “The woke military, the DEI military—all of that was possible because people had accepted as an ethical responsibility to be empathetic, to step into other people’s shoes without judgment,” he said. “Hegseth has emphasized the job of the military is lethality, developing a warrior ethos, not to feel sorry for the guy who wishes that he could wear a dress.”

Ostensibly, Wilson was referring to one phrase in Hegseth’s proclamation at the Marine Corps base in Quantico, Virginia, last year, “No more dudes in dresses…we’re done with that shit!”—a statement that has a distinctly Wilsonian ring to it. Since becoming defense secretary in January 2025, de-­wokifying the military has been the focus of Hegseth’s tenure. He has ended affirmative action and trans-inclusive policies, dissolved the Pentagon committee that supported female troops, and blocked female and Black military leaders from being promoted. But it is in Hegseth’s unapologetic assertions of hypermasculinity that Wilson’s influence is most apparent. In his Quantico speech, he reaffirmed his commitment to the military being “tough as shit” so it could “completely destroy” adversaries.

In his 2024 book, The War on Warriors, Hegseth writes that the Geneva Conventions are unfair because the United States and Europe are the only ones that follow them. Instead, “America should fight by its own rules,” he declares. The nation’s soldiers should be “the most overwhelmingly lethal as they can be.”

Hegseth also bemoans a defense force infected, he writes, with the “fucking scary” disease of progressivism, which “will not stop until trans-lesbian Black females run everything!” He warns, “Sometime soon, a real conflict will break out, and red-blooded American men will have to save their elite candy asses.” In July, Hegseth announced an initiative to screen troops for low testosterone and offer hormone replacement therapy to those found deficient.

It wasn’t until after Wilson entered his life that Hegseth became obsessed with decrying the woke US military. He and his wife found their way to Wilson’s denomination in 2018, and by 2022, he had moved his family to Nashville so his children could attend the Jonathan Edwards Classical Academy, a school in Wilson’s network. In 2023, when Hegseth was still a Fox News host, Nashville Christian Family magazine ran a profile of him in which he mentioned being a member of a “Bible and book study” that focused on Wilson’s book My Life for Yours: A Walk Through the Christian Home. 

Hegseth, a Princeton grad, has since said he’d never send any of his seven children to Harvard, but rather to New Saint Andrews. On an episode of the podcast CrossPolitic that aired shortly before Hegseth became secretary of “war,” he railed against Godless America, lamenting that liberals “used patriotism to untether us from timeless truth, from the Bible.” He also praised classical Christian schools for providing “a comprehensive worldview that prepares them for the battle to come, because we’re in a spiritual battle, and otherwise we’d be sending our kids in as fodder.”

Hegseth’s 2022 co-authored tome, Battle for the American Mind, is essentially a book-length extension of that metaphor. “Charging the ‘commanding heights’—the leftists’ educational Death Star—with Nerf guns will not suffice,” he writes. “We don’t want martyrs, we want victors.” Classical Christian education is our only hope to “give our kids and grandkids at least a fighting chance to save America and Christendom,” Hegseth concludes. He exhorts parents to “join the insurgency!” Children educated in this way, he believes, might stand a chance at defending their nation—because the wokes have failed miserably.

Hegseth is so fanatically macho that he can come off as camp. Was his talk of “trans-lesbian Black females” a parody—or deadly serious? I had the same question when I saw Canon Press’ slickly produced No Quarter November video series, which Eliot Mortimore assisted with. In one scene, Wilson dons a flamethrower and obliterates what he views as symbols of candy-ass leftist culture: cardboard cutouts of Disney princesses, a Mister Rogers-­esque set, and a surveillance drone.

The impact of the Hegseth-Wilson military leadership style was brought home during Wilson’s address at the Pentagon, which referenced Lt. General Lewis Burwell “Chesty” Puller, the most-decorated Marine in history, famous for dramatically thrusting out his chest, and for his unwavering commitment to crushing America’s enemies. “When you learn how to stand firm in the Lord and in the strength of his might,” Wilson told the troops, “you are going to start sounding to your wife like a spiritual version of Chesty Puller…‘We’ve been looking for the enemy for some time now. We’ve finally found him. We’re surrounded. That simplifies things.’” 

At the end, Hegseth clapped Wilson on the back. “Thank you for your leadership, for your mentorship, for the things you’ve started, the truth you’ve told, your willingness to be bold,” he told the pastor. “It’s the type of thing we’re trying to exercise here.”

The Kirker culture of extreme masculinity, nonetheless, can be a positive force. “Especially for little boys, you are told that you are strong and that you will be a leader, that you are a leader,” Kobes Du Mez said. But not conforming or questioning “these teachings to any extent, that’s not going to go well for you as a man.”

A male former Kirker I talked with, who didn’t want me to use his name for fear of retaliation, told me, “A lot of the harm is propagated through boys and men. But it starts out harming boys.”

I also spoke with Cy Whitling, a 32-year-old former Kirker now living in Bellingham, Washington. Whitling’s father was the principal at Logos School when he was growing up and is now its superintendent. The oldest of seven, Whitling described “a very pugilistic childhood.” Boys were encouraged to identify with the war heroes they learned about in history; boxing class was not optional. From the time he was 10, guns hung above his bed. Young Cy “would go to sleep dreaming of somebody breaking into the house so I could shoot them.”

Effeminacy in any form was stamped out. “If I [sat] with my legs crossed like a girl, I got a bunch of spankings, because it was ‘gay,’” he recalled. Boys who spent too much time on their appearance were bullied; high school gym class included coach-­sanctioned games of “Smear the Queer.”

Whitling eventually distanced himself from Christ Church and came out as bisexual. He hasn’t spoken to his family since 2019, but the effects of his Kirker upbringing linger. He doesn’t plan to have children because “the experience I had with being a child did not prepare me to be the kind of parent that I would want to be.”

Still, he considers himself relatively unscathed compared to some of his former classmates. “I could go through and name the two kids with behavioral divergences in every class,” he said. “They got 90 percent of the spankings, and their life was definitely hell—and I definitely helped to make it hell.”

Some of the boys who don’t fit the Kirker mold grow into men who overcompensate by wielding a cruel authority over their wives and children. Sarah Bader, an ex-Kirker who now works to help get women out of the church, has witnessed this dynamic firsthand. Men are required to “be successful, look successful, be fit, be a man, be part of this army for Doug—for God,” she said. “A lot of these men have suffered greatly, and we’re seeing a total breakdown of those who can’t quite perform well enough to be the masculine man.”

Another problem with enforcing one set of standards, of course, is that men aren’t all the same, Kobes Du Mez said. “If you have a loving, decent man who uses that authority, or actually doesn’t even use that authority sometimes, it’s going to hit very differently than when a husband and father is abusive or bullying or selfish.”

Bader says she has talked with hundreds of women who have experienced abuse in churches in Wilson’s denomination. Helping them get out in places like Moscow can be difficult because of how deeply intertwined the church is with life there. Multiple sources told me, for example, that Christ Church members or affiliates have served on the town police force, which can make Kirkers reluctant to file reports of abuse. For those who leave the church, it’s “hard to get a job, it’s hard to get a rental,” Bader told me. “It’s an unsafe place.”

In a 2021 article for Vice, journalist Sarah Stankorb chronicled the stories of 12 women who said Christ Church leaders, including Wilson, looked the other way when they reported physical abuse and sexual assault at the hands of their husbands. Since then, several more women have come forward to tell their stories. Logos students have reported being groomed and, in some cases, molested by members of the faculty. A Moscow man who helps Kirker women escape from abusive situations told me that he regularly hears about marital rape. “A lot of our cases are like, ‘My husband wants to have sex five times a day, and I’m not allowed to say no,’” he told me.

Some Kirker women have spoken out on Sons of Patriarchy, a podcast about Wilson’s spiritual empire produced by Bader and theologian Peter Bell. Women tell of being warned by Logos teachers that their developing bodies are dangerous and that friendliness could be misconstrued as flirtation. One former Logos student, Emilie Dye, described being groomed by a teacher in his 50s, Jim Nance. Another alumna reported being groomed by her English teacher. Both women alleged that the church failed to protect them. In 2005, church member Steven Sitler was convicted of child sex abuse after he was convicted of lewd conduct with a minor. In 2022, another church member, Alex Lloyd, was convicted of possessing child pornography. In Sitler’s case, Wilson wrote to the judges asking for “measured and limited” sentencing because Sitler had repented for his sins.

Wilson denies that he sanctions abuse; in the case of Dye, he told me, Nance was dismissed from Logos after his infractions were discovered. In the case of Sitler, he has written, church leaders quickly turned the case over to police. Sitler was arrested and sentenced to life in prison, but he was released on probation after just a year and allowed to return home, where the court later discovered he had been sexually aroused by his infant son.

When I asked the Wilsons about these cases, they agreed that child sexual abuse was horrific and that Lloyd’s case was “really sad.” But Nancy expressed irritation with the media’s fixation on the issue. It was hypocritical, in her view, because “we have this culture where they have transvestites doing library hours for kids,” which no one in the secular world seemed to mind. I pointed out that drag queens weren’t molesting children. “No,” Doug replied, “they’re just grooming them.”

A few weeks after my visit to Moscow, I told Whitling about my conversation with the Mortimores. I mentioned the moment when Eliot said he didn’t mind using the word “gay” in a derogatory way because there were no gay Kirkers. He paused. “Man, I knew Eliot when he was a little kid,” he said, his voice catching. “Makes me really sad. Sorry.”

The campus of Logos School features an imposing brick chapel abutting a barnyard; in addition to serving as the school worship hall, it’s also where Christ Church meets on Sundays. Sitting in the back row, I saw mothers in long flowered dresses with infants strapped to their chests; older sisters distributing bottles to babies and crayons and paper to preschoolers; dads marching restive toddlers out to the hall.

It was Mother’s Day, but you wouldn’t have known it from the sermon. Wilson preached on the Old Testament Book of Esther, the story of the Jewish queen who stood up to a wicked Persian tyrant. The story, he said, offered a valuable lesson for how to be “a beleaguered minority in a heathen empire.” Religious pluralism, he told the congregation, was an “idol,” and Christians should focus on “getting rid of it.”

After a time, the congregation rose and joined together to sing Psalm 28, which asks God to punish Christians’ enemies. “Render to them what they deserve, because they do not regard the works of the Lord nor the operations of his hands,” they sang. “He shall destroy them and not build them up.”

I thought of the Chesty Puller quip Wilson shared during his Pentagon sermon: “They’re on our left, they’re on our right, they’re in front of us, they’re behind us…they can’t get away this time.” But it wasn’t Chesty speaking at the Pentagon—it was Wilson: Wilson’s rigid definition of a warrior, Wilson’s quest to infuse the military with his muscular version of Christianity, Wilson’s laser focus on aggression as a hallmark of successful men and a successful American republic.

After the service, Wilson descended from the pulpit. He greeted a few congregants, smiling and shaking their hands. Then he went over to play the role for which he is famous among Kirker children. Seated on a stool by the main entrance, the benevolent Santa, he distributed Hershey’s Kisses from a large metal bucket. Children swarmed around him as their parents spilled out onto the patio, blinking in the bracing sunlight of a spring day in Idaho.

Political Power

The Political Power of Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez’s Egg Freezing

In showcasing the balancing act of career ambitions and fertility, the congresswoman is once again illustrating her political prowess.

Inae Oh

“The thing that will always stay with me,” former California Rep. Katie Porter said of her harrowing experience hiding with then-colleague Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez during the January 6 attack on the Capitol. “I was saying: ‘Well, don’t worry, I’m a mom, I’m calm, I’ve got everything here we need. We could live for like a month in this office.’ And [Ocasio-Cortez] said, ‘I just hope I get to be a mom. I hope I don’t die today.'”

At the time, the remarks reflected the fear felt by two female lawmakers, as rabid men on the hunt for House Speaker Nancy Pelosi roamed the halls of Congress screaming, “Where is she? Where is she?” But when I first heard about this exchange, nearly one month after the Capitol attack, I recall being struck by how much Ocasio-Cortez’s comment echoed my own thoughts as a woman of a similar demographic: mid-30s, working, and hopeful for motherhood but unsure how it would unfold. Would it ever happen? If so, when? Have my choices hurt or helped that one outsized desire? Such questions tend to hum anxiously in the background for a woman of a certain age, in both mundane and extraordinary moments, as the one Ocasio-Cortez shared with Porter.

I thought of this anecdote again this weekend after the New York congresswoman posted a series of videos announcing that she was freezing her eggs. “This is a choice that I am making to feel more in control of my life,” Ocasio-Cortez said in one Instagram video. In another, the 36-year-old progressive filmed herself injecting the procedure’s hormone medications into her abdomen. “I think it’s important for us as leaders to have these conversations and share these processes, especially for working women across the country, and normalize them,” Ocasio-Cortez told ABC’s Jonathan Karl on Sunday.

It was in the same interview that the progressive lawmaker made her strongest public comments yet that she was considering higher office. “I haven’t ruled out the possibility,” Ocasio-Cortez responded when asked if she would ever consider a presidential run. What about minority leader Sen. Chuck Schumer’s (D-N.Y.) seat? “Anything is possible at this juncture,” she replied.

When it comes to her reproductive choices, Ocasio-Cortez does not owe the public any explanations—full stop. Still, the timing of her fertility journey, specifically the way it dovetails with her intimations that she might seek higher office, has predictably inspired some petty criticisms, particularly from those on the right who disparage the disclosure of her personal decision as a calculating play for political virality. Others, like the conservative commentator Matt Walsh, appeared to assume the role of reproductive physician, arguing that at 36, she was already too old to consider having kids. “Totally backwards and ridiculous,” he wrote on social media. Then there were arguments, nearly all from men, that she should try to have kids naturally and soon—a wild claim that assumes so much of Ocasio-Cortez’s personal life.

But the most interesting responses came from the video’s unlikely supporters and defenders. “The same people who call themselves pro-family think a woman’s uterus has an expiration date they get to police,” said Newsmax political analyst Mehek Cooke, citing her own experience of having children later in life because her “body did not cooperate with her schedule.”

“If one woman wants to preserve her right to have children, which means more than having none—we should celebrate that,” Katie Miller, the right-wing podcaster and wife of Stephen Miller, wrote on X. “If she inspires other women to have babies, we should celebrate that.”

It would be shortsighted, if not downright asinine, to view Miller’s post as a kind of political evolution; she and her husband appear singularly obsessed with declining birth rates, a preoccupation that is by turns racist and hyperbolic, often blaming those rates on birth control and feminism. But in applauding Ocasio-Cortez, Miller and her ilk still revealed something significant: That at least with the issue of fertility, many are not in lockstep with staunch conservatives who see reproductive procedures like egg freezing as immoral. Indeed, they even appear to welcome more options for people struggling to have children.

Options. Aren’t they what Ocasio-Cortez may be exercising as she embarks on her fertility journey? By freezing her eggs, the congresswoman isn’t ruling out the possibility of having kids, much in the same way Ocasio-Cortez isn’t not thinking about the White House in this very moment either. In fact, it seems that for Ocasio-Cortez, the two potential futures—kids and higher office—braid together, because of course they do. That is not surprising for so many of us in the face of aging, careers, and prohibitively expensive fertility procedures. (For me, now the mother of one kid, the questions surrounding the next still loom profoundly.) Any anger from men on the right underscores how deeply ignorant they are about the acute challenges many people of reproductive age face in considering fertility and climbing professional ladders. And yes, that includes all the way up to the White House.

If you thought the Reflecting Pool was a disaster............

Fore! Trump’s DC Golf Course Is Already in the Rough

If you thought the Reflecting Pool was a disaster, wait until they try to build this.

Stephanie Mencimer

When President Donald Trump takes flight on Marine One from the White House, he often gets a bird’s-eye view of a municipal golf course located at East Potomac Park, a national park better known to locals as Hains Point. Perhaps the flyovers inspired his recent ambitions to transform the beloved local links into a world-class golf course worthy of PGA tournaments.

Trump recently said construction on the new course will begin September 1. But his aerial view of this particular building site may obscure one of the park’s key features: Its water hazard. 

Water from the Potomac River floods its sidewalks and drowned the city’s dreams of a modern swimming facility. Now, it threatens to wash out Trump’s golf fantasy and leave behind a disaster that will make the Lincoln Memorial Reflecting Pool look like a minor embarrassment.

The “builder in chief” first publicly mused in May about remaking the East Potomac links. A month later, he toured the site with golf course designer Tom Fazio and announced on Truth Social that after “studying the dilapidated, worn out, and very dangerous and outdated Golf Course known as East Potomac Golf Links” he had concluded that “on this fantastic site, with water and unparalleled views of DC’s Monuments, we will build one of the Greatest Golf Courses anywhere in the World.”

In June, Fazio told Golf.com that Trump would move quickly to complete the course before he leaves office. “The president happens to be a guy of action,” Fazio said. “He wants to get it done now.”

“The president happens to be a guy of action. He wants to get it done now.”

Of course, any local with a fishing pole could have pointed out the glaringly obvious flaw in his plans. “Let’s be honest,” says Rebecca Miller, executive director of the DC Preservation League, which has sued the Trump administration over its plans for the golf course. “The island is sinking.”

The US Army Corps of Engineers created the 330-acre East Potomac Park in the late 19th century from a hodgepodge of material dredged up from the bottom of the Potomac River to widen shipping channels around the city. In 1897, Congress declared the artificial island a public park that would be “forever held and used for recreation and the pleasure of the people.” In 1917, park officials hired the legendary architect Walter Travis to design a public golf course, which opened in 1920. It was wildly popular, and in 1973, it was listed on the National Register of Historic Places.

Unlike the excess of cost and amenities at Trump’s private courses, golf at the no-frills East Potomac is cheap—an 18-hole round on the blue course costs as little as $41, less for kids, veterans, and seniors. In 2025, people played more than 125,000 rounds of golf at the municipal facility. It’s not the sort of course Trump would ever actually play. But the park’s tantalizing views of Washington’s monuments and undeveloped riverfront must seem like so much wasted potential to the billionaire developer.

The environmental realities of East Potomac, however, present some major obstacles for fulfilling Trump’s vision. Ed Stierli, Vice President of Government Affairs at the National Parks Conservation Association, says when he saw the early renderings of Trump’s course, “One of the first questions I had was: Are they completely ignoring the landscape here?”

The simple answer is yes. Much of East Potomac lies at sea level within a 100-year floodplain, and various studies have found that the artificial island has sunk at least five feet since its inception. Meanwhile, the water level around it has risen more than two feet thanks to climate change and other contributors. Today, it’s not uncommon for the river to top the seawall and come up 25 feet inland after a big storm or high tide, leaving picnic tables marooned like rafts on a small lake. (The National Park Service did not respond to a request for comment for this story.)

“Good grief,” said Mark Mungeam, the president of the American Society of Golf Course Architects, who is familiar with Trump’s plans but was unaware of the extent of the sinking. “That speaks to the folly of this project.”

In June, I biked down to East Potomac to meet DC resident Alex Rosen, who recently founded the community group Save East Po to fight Trump’s golf course. While we talked, the sidewalk flooded as the tide came in. “There’ve been instances of where I’ve been cycling here, and you have to turn around right at the tip [of the peninsula] because there’s literally no way to get through the water,” Rosen said. “It’s a common occurrence.”

“There’ve been instances of where I’ve been cycling here, and you have to turn around right at the tip [of the peninsula] because there’s literally no way to get through the water.”

The regular flooding, along with years of underfunding and neglect by Congress, has taken its toll. The nearly 150-year-old seawall that surrounds East Potomac Park is crumbling. The sidewalk that runs around the perimeter of the 2-mile-long peninsula is in many places falling into the river and has been fenced off— unusable.

For years, Republicans in Congress have starved all national parks for funding, creating a backlog of more than $2 billion in needed repairs just in DC. But in 2020, it passed the Great American Outdoors Act to try to address the neglect. Even the $500 million the bill allocated for projects related to the National Mall ahead of America 250, though, wasn’t enough to save East Potomac Park from being swallowed up by the river.

In 2011, the National Park Service commissioned a geotechnical study to investigate repairing the East Potomac seawall. It concluded that the project would require sinking new footings down as much as 10 feet into the river and possibly more than 100 feet into the bedrock below all along the park’s more than three-mile-long perimeter. It was going to cost “millions of dollars per foot—not miles, per foot,” says Kym Hall, the former National Capitol Area director at the National Park Service who was involved in the discussions. “It is an astronomical amount of money.”

Instead, the Park Service used the new funding to shore up the seawall around the Tidal Basin to protect the Jefferson Memorial and the famous cherry trees, as well as part of nearby West Potomac Park. But Hall says that even with the new appropriation, NPS could afford to fix only part of the Tidal Basin, which is less than a third of the size of East Potomac Park. After years of careful planning the Tidal Basin restoration still cost $113 million and took two years of construction.

To do what Trump wants to do at East Potomac, “They would also have to address the seawall,” says Stierli, who notes that conservation and park advocates have long been in favor of fixing it. “Unfortunately, what’s moving forward here is almost a replica of the type of thinking we’re seeing with the Reflecting Pool: An administration ignoring climate, ignoring science, ignoring the Park Service’s own plans.” He notes that the administration has fired most of the scientists who’ve worked on East Potomac. Trump is just “charging ahead, completely detached from the reality of this site and its landscape.”

It’s not just flooding that threatens Trump’s vision for East Potomac. “Hains Point is basically an artificial piece of land made up of dredgings and other waste soils, and with a very high water table,” says Peter Feldman, a hydrologist who did a stint at EPA working on the Superfund program. Putting a golf course there, he says, “would seem to be a poor idea generally.”

The DC government learned the hard way what sort of hazards lie below the surface of the artificial landmass. In 1936, East Potomac Park gained an outdoor swimming pool, with an attendant pool house that was renovated in the 1970s. Eventually, the National Park Service contracted with the DC government to take over its management. Former DC mayor Adrian Fenty even trained for triathlons in the only outdoor Olympic-size facility in the city. His administration famously installed a heater so that it could be used long after the rest of the city’s outdoor pools had closed for the season.

In 2014, the city decided that the time had come to upgrade the aging facility. Officials envisioned a state-of-the-art competitive aquatics facility that would include spectator seating and diving platforms, plus a renovated pool house. Preliminary engineering studies had warned that construction would be challenging. Just taking soil samples became an ordeal as boring holes quickly flooded.

“You can think of it like a sponge, or [like when] my wife gets out of the shower and leaves our bath mat completely soaked. It looks fine on the surface but once I start walking over it, the water all comes up,” Daniel Spielvogel, an engineer who co-authored a study on the site, would later explain at a contract dispute hearing. “It moves around. It squirts out on the floor. Those are the disturbance-sensitive soils that we want to avoid.”

Nonetheless, construction began in 2018, and almost immediately ran into trouble. Excavating the century-old site proved to be more like an archeological dig than a building project. Undocumented sewer, water, and electrical lines gummed up the works. An ancient pipe that flushed water from the pool into the Potomac River swamped the site along with groundwater that was not, as the contractor assumed, seven or 10 feet down, but just below the surface at roughly the same elevation as the river.

Workers installed sump pumps, only to see them swallowed up by the soupy soils that frequently caved in and threatened workers’ safety. When Spielvogel visited the site in September 2018, he found a “disgusting mess” of “muddy trenches and open excavations.” Things did not improve, and in 2020, the DC government cut its losses and, citing “significant flood risks,” abandoned the whole project. The site was filled in, and litigation ensued.

Ultimately, the city lost $14 million in taxpayer money, and residents lost an outdoor pool that had been in operation for almost 100 years. Today, all that’s left is a weedy lot, a monument to the risks of ignoring the realities of nature.

If Trump has a vague understanding that water and soil problems might be an issue for his championship golf course plans, his solution is not reassuring.

In October 2025, Trump shocked the country by demolishing part of the White House to build a ballroom. While discussing the project with the president, Interior Secretary Doug Burgum suggested using the East Wing debris to elevate the new golf course. “Trump told Burgum he thought the idea was brilliant,” the Wall Street Journal reported.

The administration began depositing some 30,000 cubic yards of White House rubble full of rebar, plaster, lead paint and asbestos between the fourth and ninth holes of the existing East Potomac golf course. Aside from the obvious environmental concerns, as a practical matter, covering East Potomac Park in White House wreckage is unlikely to solve its flooding issues. “I think they’re going to need a lot more soil than that,” says Mungeam. “That’s just a tiny amount of what would be needed to build a championship golf course.”  

Here’s why: East Potomac Park is built on “hydraulic fill,” which is both too soft and too weak to support much vertical construction, like for restaurants or clubhouses. If new fill is put down too quickly, or if it’s too heavy, it can cause the existing land to slide or settle, and the site can take years to stabilize.

High groundwater will likely exacerbate the problem, as will climate change. Like Washington, DC, itself, East Potomac faces extreme vulnerability to storm surges from hurricanes, particularly as the sea level rises. The US Army Corps of Engineers expects the Potomac River to rise more than three feet by 2080. Not even tearing down the rest of the White House would likely yield enough material to create a PGA-caliber playing surface on Hains Point.

The existing East Potomac golf course is basically flat, making it perfect for beginning and amateur players. But championship courses require such technical features as deep bunkers, water hazards, and dramatic slopes. Because of the park’s high water table, the only way Trump could create those sorts of enhancements is to bring in tons of new fill to pile on top of the existing land mass, which only will create more problems.

The result of all the earthmoving and extensive heavy truck traffic needed to bring in so much fill would compact the existing weak soil, and lay the foundation for future drainage issues, Mungeam says. And simply filling in the flood plain won’t end the course’s water wars. When golf course designers fill in a flood plain like the one at East Potomac, he says they’re required to create a new one to equalize the water.

If Trump’s hasty and ill-conceived construction fills in too much of East Potomac Park, the chronic flooding will simply move elsewhere—perhaps to nearby parts of the National Mall, such as the Jefferson Memorial, where taxpayers just spent more than $100 million rebuilding the seawall. The water, Mungeam explains, “has to go somewhere.”

Like so many of Trump’s monomaniacal plans to make over DC without any public input, much less expert guidance, his golf course takeover triggered a lawsuit. In February, local golfers and the DC Preservation League asked a judge to block the administration from pursuing any further action at East Potomac until it had complied with various environmental reviews and procedural requirements. In May, the plaintiffs went to court to request an emergency injunction after reports that the administration planned to close the course immediately and start renovations.

“I don’t want another demolished East Wing. I don’t want another demolished Reflecting Pool.”

US District Court Judge Ana Reyes declined to issue an injunction barring further work on the golf course. But she, too, was suspicious about Trump’s intentions. In early July, Reyes ordered the administration to come up with a plan to regularly update the court on its plans before “the bulldozers are starting. I don’t want another demolished East Wing,” she warned. “I don’t want another demolished Reflecting Pool.”

Even with court oversight, opponents of Trump’s golf course worry that if Trump is allowed to move forward with the golf course construction, the whole park will go the way of the old swimming pool.

“My fear,” says Save East Po’s Alex Rosen, is that  “they will dig a bunch of plumbing, they will move a ton of earth, and they will make a bunch of changes before realizing ‘oh, the water table here is actually pretty high.’” If that happens, he predicts, the administration will “throw their hands up and say ‘oops, our bad’” and leave behind a big, expensive mess that renders East Potomac unusable long after Trump leaves office.

At the same time, Rosen and other park lovers acknowledge that Trump is right about one thing: As with the crumbling seawall, the existing East Potomac golf course has long needed some TLC. But careful upgrades were already in the works before Trump got involved.

In 2019, the National Park Service signed a 50-year lease with the nonprofit National Links Trust that included a plan to rehab East Potomac. Legendary course designer Tom Doak was working pro bono, with community input, to preserve the essential character of the municipal course originally conceived by Walter Travis back in 1917. But in December, the Trump administration abruptly cancelled the lease.

“This is a municipal site,” says the DC Preservation League’s Miller. “This is not Pebble Beach, and it doesn’t need to be.”