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My simple blog of pictures of travel, friends, activities and the Universe we live in as we go slowly around the Sun.



September 08, 2026

"Guide us Landru....."

GOP turns to Trump as Democrats expand their target map in midterm sprint

By Patrick Svitek

On Friday, Sen. Roger Marshall took a rare step for a Republican incumbent running in Kansas: launching an attack ad against his Democratic rival.

When pastor Adam Hamilton launched his campaign for the seat four months ago, the odds seemed long. The state has not sent a Democrat to the Senate in nearly a century, and President Donald Trump has won it by at least 14 percentage points in all his campaigns.

But as the traditional post-Labor Day sprint to the midterms begins, Hamilton is optimistic.

“People are very frustrated,” Hamilton said in an interview, recalling a recent conversation with a 79-year-old man who handed him a receipt for diesel for his truck and told him, “This is why I’m voting for you.”

From the suburbs of Philadelphia to California’s Central Valley, such stories are fueling Democratic hopes that they can not only flip the House but also capture the majority in the Senate by running strong campaigns in GOP territory. If successful, Democrats would both provide a consequential check on President Donald Trump for his final two years in office and begin to repair their party’s tattered brand as they prepare for the next presidential election.

Republicans acknowledge they face historical headwinds as the party in power two years after winning the White House and capturing unified control of Washington. And Trump has not helped by starting a war with Iran that has exacerbated a cost-of-living crisis that was already on the top of voters’ minds.

But with November’s midterm matchups largely set, the GOP sees cause for optimism in their financial advantage, Trump’s increasing efforts to galvanize the party’s base and the rise of democratic socialists across the country, whom they hope to make a liability for Democrats writ large.

“The issues are going to be the same in my race and everybody else’s,” Rep. Derrick Van Orden of Wisconsin said in an interview. “People are waking up to the fact that the Democratic Party is no longer the Democratic Party – it’s the Democratic Socialists of America party.”

The GOP push ramped up this weekend as the pro-Trump super PAC MAGA Inc. began tapping into its $400 million-plus war chest for the midterms, a highly anticipated moment for vulnerable Republicans.

Starting Wednesday, Republicans are set to gather in Dallas for an unusual midterm convention that is expected to be dominated by Trump. He is scheduled to speak on both nights, and the Republican National Committee chairman, Joe Gruters, has hyped the gathering as “Trumpapalooza.”

Democrats are not letting the Republican ramp-up go unanswered. House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries is sending a delegation of House Democrats to Dallas to counter the convention. And Illinois Gov. JB Pritzker, a potential 2028 presidential candidate, is also heading to the city to help Texas Democrats push back, according to a Pritzker spokeswoman, Leah Hurwitz.

Building off the convention, Trump has promised to spend the final 30 days of the election crisscrossing the country for his party, targeting 35 races that he believes will determine control of Congress.

Trump’s emergence as a main character in the midterms, despite his unpopularity across the country, has excited Democrats and left Republicans in competitive districts weighing how closely to tie themselves to him.

“It’ll be spectacular,” California Democratic Gov. Gavin Newsom told reporters Saturday in North Carolina, sarcastically praising Trump’s midterm plans. “He’s an historic president – historically unpopular.”

“President Trump is not on the ballot,” GOP Rep. Tom Barrett of Michigan, who does not plan to attend the convention, said in an interview. “I’m on the ballot and my opponent is on the ballot, and that’s the choice people are going to be faced with.”

Democrats play offense on economy

Democrats need to flip a few seats in the House to win the majority, while their path to controlling the upper chamber is harder. They would need to net four seats, including some in Republican-leaning states, while defending a few competitive seats they already hold.

Democrats generally agree their best opportunities to pick up Senate seats are in Maine, North Carolina and Ohio, and then in tougher territory including Alaska, Iowa and Texas.

“Democrats have six core offensive opportunities and we are still expanding the map, forcing Republicans to scramble to defend deep red states as we head into November with multiple paths to win the majority,” Devan Barber, the executive director of the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee, said in a statement.

The map is not without its challenges for Democrats. In Michigan, Democrats nominated progressive Abdul El-Sayed over the opposition of Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, who saw Rep. Haley Stevens as more electable. And in New Hampshire, Democrats are playing defense against a strong and well-known GOP candidate in former Sen. John E. Sununu. And while Democrats are encouraged by the strength of Sen. Jon Ossoff’s reelection campaign in Georgia, he is still seeking another term in a state that Trump won by 2 percentage points in 2024.

In the fight for the House majority, Democrats continue to add redder and redder districts to their target list. But they still have to defend more seats won by President Donald Trump in 2024 than Republicans have to hold on to seats he lost.

“They’re operating on our turf,” said Mike Marinella, a spokesman for the National Republican Congressional Committee.

The nationwide redistricting effort that Trump spent months waging has also given Republicans hope they can stem their losses. But Democrats, seeing a political landscape that has revolted against Trump, believe even some of the redrawn seats are in play, such as those that Republicans reconfigured in predominantly Latino South Texas.

In a recent Reuters/Ipsos poll, voters said they favored Democrats over Republicans on the generic congressional ballot by 5 percentage points. They disapproved of Trump’s job performance by a 25-point margin and his handling of the economy by even more.

For Democrats, the strategy for the midterms is simple: speak to the mounting economic frustrations of voters, including those who took a chance on Trump in 2024 but now feel betrayed.

“The word that I hear almost daily is ‘drowning,’” said Democratic Rep. Kristen McDonald Rivet of Michigan. “Families in my district are drowning, and it is so much worse for them now than it was two years ago.”

McDonald Rivet’s district in Central Michigan is a traditional battleground district, voting for Trump by just 2% in 2024. But Democrats are also finding opportunity in places such as Kentucky’s 6th Congressional District, which supported Trump by 15 points.

The Democratic nominee there, former federal prosecutor Zach Dembo, said the issue of affordability is “hyperfocused” in the Central Kentucky district. Kentucky raises the most cattle east of the Mississippi River, he noted, making it especially impacted by Trump’s recent decision to lower tariffs on foreign beef producers.

“Really this race is not a Democrat versus Republican,” Dembo said in an interview. “It’s about change versus the status quo.”

In many competitive races, Democrats know they need to separate themselves from a national party brand that often polls worse than the GOP and has now become equated, in part, with democratic socialists such as New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani.

Hamilton, for example, said he is for “strong and secure borders,” calling former President Joe Biden a “disaster” on the issue.

“When people in Kansas think about national Democrats, they think about the DSA,” Hamilton said. “I’ve been asked, ‘Are you a socialist or communist?’ My answer is, ‘No, I’m an independent-minded Democrat.’”

The Democratic brand is especially under pressure in a handful of races where independents are running strong campaigns for Republican-held seats. In some of those contests, the Democratic nominees have stepped aside to give the independents a better shot.

Nebraska is a prominent example. During their first debate last week, GOP Sen. Pete Ricketts repeatedly labeled his independent opponent, Dan Osborn, as “Democrat Dan” as Osborn insisted he would not caucus with either party if elected.

The Republican strategy

The economy is a far more sensitive issue for Republicans, who have to sympathize with voters’ concerns while grappling with Trump’s insistence on continuing the war. Trump said Wednesday he was “not affected” by the midterms when considering an end to the war.

Republicans have mostly remained united behind Trump on the war, though their impatience has shown at times. House Speaker Mike Johnson recently said that it would be “great” if the war would end before the midterms, but if not, Republicans “can explain why that was necessary, why we had to complete the job.”

Van Orden, a retired Navy SEAL, said the consequences would be disastrous if Iran were to obtain a nuclear weapon.

“When I explain that to folks, they’re like, ‘Oh, I got it,’” said Van Orden, who is set to speak at the midterm convention. “And I also remind them, especially my Democratic colleagues and many people in the media, that we’re still not paying as much money for a gallon of gas as we did under Biden. We’re not.”

A few Republicans in competitive races have distanced themselves from the war by supporting resolutions to limit Trump’s war powers. Among them is Barrett, who said he is “very sensitive to the nature of prolonged war” as a 22-year Army veteran.

“I haven’t budged and this is something I feel very strongly about and I’m going to vote my conscience,” Barrett said.

Trump, who has a penchant for punishing intraparty critics, has largely held back as some Republicans in tough races have sought daylight with him. And Vice President JD Vance suggested Thursday that he understood if some candidates wanted to skip the convention to focus on “local” matters.

The White House would much rather make the midterms a referendum on Democrats who they say have lurched too far to the left.

In some key House races, Democratic voters picked nominees that national groups worry are too liberal to win in the general election. Barrett’s opponent, Will Lawrence, is one of those candidates – and CNN reported Friday about hundreds of deleted social media posts where he backed the abolition of police and prisons, among other things. Lawrence, a co-founder of the Sunrise Movement, said he no longer supports defunding the police and regretted some of his past remarks.

Republicans are also drawing optimism from a larger stockpile of money in their national committee accounts. The Republican National Committee ended July with $130 million cash on hand, while the Democratic National Committee had $16 million in the bank, along with $18 million in debt.

That money is more relevant than ever after a Supreme Court ruling in June that struck down limits on coordinated spending between party committees and campaigns. The National Republican Congressional Committee has already taken advantage of the ruling by reserving coordinated ads for at least 20 candidates, while the NRCC’s Democratic counterpart has been slower to capitalize.

Up until this weekend, however, it was unclear whether Republicans in battleground seats could also count on MAGA Inc. to come to the rescue. But the super PAC began answering that question Saturday when it disclosed $10 million in spending on the Texas Senate race where Democratic nominee James Talarico has vastly outraised Republican Attorney General Ken Paxton by nearly $60 million.

Trump suggested Friday he had almost $1 billion in outside money at his disposal and planned to spend as much as half of it on the midterms.

“We’re going to spend a lot of money because we don’t want to lose our country,” Trump told reporters in the Oval Office.

Republicans also hope Trump’s increased activity on the campaign trail reactivates his 2024 voters, even if it puts vulnerable incumbents in an awkward position.

At a recent meeting of the Republican Jewish Coalition, the GOP nominee for Senate in North Carolina, Michael Whatley, estimated that his state had as many as 250,000 voters who have turned out for Trump in presidential elections but sat out the midterms. “That turnout is absolutely essential,” Whatley said.

One Republican strategist working on a battleground House race agreed that Republican turnout is a major issue but said the solution to the problem has to be “much deeper” than Trump hitting the road.

“I think there has to be more optimism that things are getting better” economically, the strategist said, adding that the White House lacks a “clear message” about when that will happen.

The closing message

The Trump factor is not the only major variable heading into the final two months before the election.

Both parties are scrambling to respond to voters’ rising anger at data centers and the resources they consume. In the blockbuster race for governor in Nevada, GOP incumbent Joe Lombardo and his Democratic opponent, Attorney General Aaron Ford, have traded TV ads accusing one another of being too cozy with the industry.

“Data centers are raising our costs, but Joe Lombardo doesn’t care,” Ford says in one ad that replays Lombardo saying in May that he is “wholeheartedly in support of data centers.”

(Lombardo, like many GOP governors confronting the issue, has demanded data centers take responsibility for not straining local resources.)

Candidates will also spend the coming weeks haggling over whether to debate — and if so, how much. While Sen. Susan Collins and Democratic challenger Troy Jackson appear set for four debates in October in their all-important race in Maine, there is more uncertainty in other contests, such as the contest for Ohio governor, where Democrat Amy Acton indicated Wednesday she was not interested in debating Republican Vivek Ramaswamy.

And, in another open question, while much of the recent speculation about outside spending has focused on pro-Trump groups, super PACs aligned with Israel supporters and the cryptocurrency and artificial intelligence industries are still sitting on hundreds of millions of dollars that could shape races.

Voters can also expect to see more of potential 2028 candidates in the coming weeks, especially Democrats, as they work to show their usefulness to the party and build new allies in Congress.

Former Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg is scheduled to visit at least six states in September alone. Pennsylvania Gov. Josh Shapiro is expected to continue campaigning heavily to flip four House seats in his state as he runs for reelection himself. And former Vice President Kamala Harris is expected to step up her travel for candidates, even as some in GOP-leaning territory have said they would not welcome her support.

Harris shrugged off their snubbing in a TV interview Thursday, telling MS NOW, “I support them in doing whatever they need to do to win.”

Addressing reporters Thursday, Vance, widely seen as the de facto frontrunner for the GOP nomination in 2028, urged all Republicans to focus on the midterms as some of them, such as Texas Sen. Ted Cruz, have stirred buzz about their White House ambitions.

McDonald Rivet said she was taking nothing for granted in the final stretch, even after Republicans in her district nominated a relatively unknown candidate, Tom Smith, over a Trump-backed rival.

“I think that this is going to be closer than most people think,” she said. “I think that we are going to have to work for every single vote and run hard all the way through November.”

Canada’s retaliatory tariffs

Canada’s retaliatory tariffs take effect as Trump threatens to ban Bombardier jet sales in US

By Elisabeth Buchwald

The trade war between the United States and Canada has entered a new chapter — and it could quickly get even uglier.

At 12:01 a.m. ET on Tuesday, Canada imposed 15% to 50% duties on roughly $20 billion worth of American goods, matching the tariffs President Donald Trump imposed on Canadian goods last month.

Paper products, construction materials, home appliances and agricultural products are also facing fresh duties.

Trade talks between the two nations, which are top trading partners, broke down last month at the 11th hour. Trump had initially pushed back his self-imposed deadline for the tariffs, touting a deal that was within reach. But the two sides failed to bridge their remaining differences as negotiators haggled over the final details.

Since then, US President Donald Trump and Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney have traded increasingly pointed jabs. Trump went as far as renaming Lake Ontario as “Lake America,” threatened to double auto tariffs to 50% on January 1, and now plans to ban one of Canada’s top aircraft companies, Bombardier, from selling in the US unless it builds its planes there.

“If they want our Market, they must build here, and stop treating America like a ‘piggybank,’” Trump wrote in a Truth Social post Monday. CNN has reached out to the White House regarding the suggested ban.

In a response to CNN, the Montreal-based company said it maintains a significant manufacturing presence in the US, and has continued to expand in the country. “The American aerospace industry is a clear winner on trade and exports. Bombardier is a strong contributor to the sector, creating tens of thousands of jobs across the United States,” it said.

Throughout the trade talks, Carney has accused the Americans of not negotiating seriously.

“When the Americans stop doing memes, stop throwing shade, stop trying to be tough and start being serious about having those discussions — we can have those discussions,” Carney said last week.

The intensifying trade war between the two neighbors is unfolding just two months before the US midterm elections, putting Republicans in competitive races in the position of explaining their views on tariffs imposed by the president. That includes Sen. Susan Collins of Maine, who faces a tough reelection fight and has criticized Trump’s tariffs.

Canadian Minister of Industry Mélanie Joly said the government is specifically tailoring its countermeasures to “put political pressure” on the Trump administration to reconsider its actions. Ottawa, however, exempted American seafood from the 25% duties — a move that spared industries in key states such as Alaska and Maine from a potentially significant hit.

Beyond Trump’s Bombardier threat, he’s likely to unveil counterduties, prompting yet another response from Carney. This next tit-for-tat could hit closer to home.

Ontario Premier Doug Ford has said that his province could put restrictions on electricity exports to the border states it supplies, such as New York and Michigan.

Why talks broke down

Canadian officials said their American counterparts pressed Canada to change rules governing how prominently Canadian and French-language content is displayed on streaming platforms, as well as product labeling requirements for English and French. Carney has defended those protections as fundamental to Canadian culture.

“For the Americans, questions about the French language, Quebec culture, francophone culture and Canadian culture are irritants. Here in Quebec, here in Canada, they are rights, fundamental rights,” Carney said last month.

Trump, meanwhile, said, “I would never interfere with Canadians speaking French!” He added in a Truth Social post that he viewed Carney’s stance toward the US as an attempt to strengthen his political base.

US Trade Representative Jamieson Greer has denied that discussions over French-language requirements were the cause of the collapsed talks.

Carney portrayed that as a reversal from the discussions that took place. “All of a sudden, they don’t care about Canadian language or culture and those elements. Well, if they didn’t care, they shouldn’t have kept them in the deal,” Carney said last week.

US Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick said the deal fell apart because of last-minute requests Canadian trade officials made, including tariff relief for trucks. The US currently imposes a 25% duty on those vehicles, with exemptions for the portion of each vehicle that complies with the trilateral trade agreement between the US, Canada and Mexico that Trump brokered during his first term. The same 25% duties apply to cars and car parts.

As part of the preliminary deal, the US had agreed to lower auto tariffs to 15%, “with the possibility of going down to 7%,” Greer said in an August interview with CBC News. He also said that they agreed to halve levies on steel and aluminum to 25%.

Who has the upper hand?

On the sidelines of the G20 meeting last week, US Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent suggested the US has the upper hand in the trade war. “I don’t think you can be in a tit-for-tat with someone who’s 13 times larger than you are,” he said in a CNBC interview on August 31.

While it’s true that the US economy is 13 times the size of Canada’s in terms of gross domestic product last year, that doesn’t mean the US can walk away unscathed.

However, Trump on Friday said the US would save money by cutting off trade with Canada. “If we don’t do any trading with Canada, we just end all trade with Canada, we’d save ourselves $90 billion.” That’s not exactly true.

The US-Canadian trade relationship is such that both sides rely on each other for goods that can’t easily be substituted from other trading partners, multiplying the pain both sides feel, irrespective of the size of their economies.

In general, when a trade war breaks out, the smaller economy has more to lose compared to the larger one, said Ari Van Assche, a professor of international business at HEC Montréal who specializes in international trade. That’s because bigger economies tend to rely less on trade to access goods and services compared to smaller economies.

Take, for instance, Ford’s automotive factory in Windsor, Canada, which produces specialized engines for some of the American manufacturer’s biggest trucks.

“It’s difficult for (Ford) to say, ‘Ah, no problem. We’re going to import it now from Mexico,’ because the components made in Mexico are very different,” Van Assche told CNN.

Since businesses often negotiate pricing contracts well in advance of when goods reach ports, consumers on both sides of the border are unlikely to see immediate effects of the new duties, said Gordon Hanson, a professor at Harvard University’s Kennedy School who studies trade and immigration.

But, by next summer, they could see markedly higher prices.

Fucking Nazi loving tiny-dicks.....

Why Is Pete Hegseth Purging Women From Command? Doug Wilson Is Why.

He preaches holy war, iron discipline, and male dominance. And one of his disciples runs the Pentagon.

Kiera Butler

On a brilliantly sunny day in early May, I found myself in Moscow, Idaho, eating brunch with Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth’s spiritual leader, Doug Wilson.

We dove into the quiche, studded with bits of bacon and onion, prepared by his wife, Nancy, as we sat in the sun-drenched breakfast nook of their compound, high on a hill above rolling farmland. The ­emerald-green wheat fields below looked like a golf course for giants.

Wilson, a self-proclaimed Christian nationalist, is the 73-year-old senior pastor and founder of Christ Church, a congregation of approximately 3,000 in Moscow. But his influence extends far beyond this small town. Wilson has spoken at high-­profile conservative events, including the 2024 National Conservatism conference, where then-Sen. JD Vance was also a headliner. He appeared on a political strategy panel with Russell Vought, President Donald Trump’s Office of Management and Budget director and a key architect of the Heritage Foundation’s Project 2025 conservative blueprint. He’s also the co-creator of the Communion of Reformed Evangelical Churches, a global network of 160 congregations—including the one Hegseth attends in Washington, DC. A few months before my visit to Idaho, Hegseth had invited Wilson to the Pentagon to deliver a sermon to troops and officials on the importance of faith in times of war.

A core tenet of Wilson’s beliefs is that a patriarchal society, what he calls “biblical masculinity,” is both a religious mandate and “cultural gluten,” as he wrote in his 2023 book, Mere Christendom. “Without it, the cookie just crumbles to pieces in your hand, and is tasteless on top of that.” In a previous book, Fidelity: How to Be a One-Woman Man, he wrote: “The sexual act cannot be made into an egalitarian pleasuring party. A man penetrates, conquers, colonizes, plants. A woman receives, surrenders, accepts.” For that reason, he went on, the dynamic of a dominant man and a submissive woman is “an erotic necessity.” As Wilson put it in an interview with CNN last year: “Women are the kind of people that people come out of.”

He also has called feminists “a large army of singularly unattractive and bitchy women” and said women serving in the military are “loathsome” to God—an observation that may inform Hegseth’s hostility to women in senior military leadership. In all matters, he believes, wives should defer to their husbands, the “covenant heads” of the family. Women shouldn’t assume church leadership roles, or speak in church, and heads of households, overwhelmingly male, should vote on behalf of their entire families.

For the last two years, as I’ve covered the rise of Christian nationalism, Wilson and I have developed a mildly adversarial email rapport. I ask questions; he answers, sometimes working in a little dig, like calling Mother Jones a “commie publication.”

As Hegseth was bragging about his “kinetic strikes” on narco-terrorist vessels and then launching the attack on Iran, I began to realize that the secretary’s determination to eradicate “woke” from the US military tracks consistently with Wilson’s teaching of a warrior-like Christian faith. So I decided it was time Wilson and I met in person. I invited myself to Moscow, and he graciously accepted. Over the course of my five-day trip, I had unprecedented access to the world he has carefully built, which serves as a model for what he imagines a Christian United States might someday look like.

I would meet happy and prosperous families in Wilson’s realm, but also witness aspects of his faith’s exacting standards and obsession with discipline that align closely with Hegseth’s enthusiastic embrace of US military aggression and shed light on what it means for biblical masculinity to become the so-called Department of War’s defining ethic.

“God has called men to be aggressive leaders. If they fail to follow through, then they are disobeying God.”

For Wilson’s followers, manliness isn’t optional. Kristin Kobes Du Mez, a professor of history at Calvin University in Michigan, has spent much of the last decade studying Wilson and his domain. In his view, “God has called men to be aggressive leaders,” she told me. “If they fail to follow through, then they are disobeying God.”

At first glance, Moscow, home to the University of Idaho’s flagship campus, looks like a quintessential couches-on-porches kind of college town, with ample coffee shops, cozy diners, and homages to the school mascot, a cartoon character named Joe Vandal. I arrived just before graduation, when there was a palpable giddiness in the air. As the breeze picked up white tufts of cottonwood seeds, it looked as though a down pillow factory had exploded. Tattooed and pierced students buzzed about in clusters.

But as I wandered around, I noticed another Moscow, one in which Wilson’s influence is omnipresent. On one downtown corner is a brick building housing New Saint Andrews College, which he helped found, where clean-cut young men in ­button-downs and khakis and women in crisp blouses and knee-length skirts milled about. Nearby are the offices of Canon Press, his book publisher. One of Wilson’s spinoff churches, King’s Cross, hosts a service inside an old movie theater. Another building, spanning an entire city block, is labeled “Kirker Commons.” (Wilson is heavily influenced by Scottish Calvinist tradition, and his congregants call themselves “Kirkers” after kirk, an old Scottish word for church.)

Nearby are other businesses owned by present or former Christ Church members: a Kirker pizzeria, a Kirker bar (they do like to drink, especially whiskey for the guys), a Kirker cafe, and a Kirker real estate office. My tour guide, a former Kirker, pointed out a common hallmark of Kirker families: stylishly dressed young moms pushing strollers, often trailed by a small flock of toddlers.

If you ask members of Wilson’s denomination to describe the distinction between reformed Christians and other evangelicals, they will rattle off a doctrinal list: They believe that people will go to Heaven because of God’s grace rather than good works; they don’t believe in the Jesus-is-coming-look-busy version of the end times; they baptize members as infants rather than wait for adults to choose for themselves. But there are profound aesthetic differences as well. Forget megachurches with jeans-and-­goatee pastors telling amusing anecdotes, or worship bands singing about, as one Kirker scoffed, “how Jesus is your boyfriend.” Wilson’s network of churches can feel almost puritanically unadorned—the music consists strictly of hymns and psalms; the sermons can be theologically heady, and even little children are expected to sit through them. Attendees will find these churches “uniformly hostile to the leftist agenda,” a pamphlet produced by Canon Press helpfully notes.

So confident are the Kirkers in their interpretation of the Bible that they believe people who don’t share their specific beliefs are not only going to Hell, but are doomed to earthly suffering. For them, Christian nationalism is redemptive, a lifeboat launched in a sea of drowning souls. One Kirker woman, who requested that I refer to her by her middle name, Linda, said she found upsetting the mere idea of an interfaith event that was happening in town that evening. It’s like saying, “We’re going to pat you on the head, you Baha’i, you Jew; we’re going to be like, ‘It’s okay,’” she said.

Not only would this be “lying,” Linda continued, growing increasingly adamant, “it’s kind of gross, actually, because if you believe that this is right, you wouldn’t want to tell someone, ‘What you believe is also right.’ That really hurts my heart.”

The Kirkers’ world is a fairly closed ecosystem. People who move to Moscow to join the church often send their children to Logos School, a classical Christian academy that Wilson and his wife helped found in 1981. Newcomers often find employment in one of the Kirker entities. If not, they can plug into the network of church-affiliated local businesses, which includes construction companies, an outpost of a major supplier of electrical transformers, and RedBalloon, an anti-woke job board that recently scored a contract with the State Department. Moscow’s Kirker community has swelled since the pandemic—so high is the demand for Logos School that it opened an impressive new campus last year and its roughly $7 million in revenue was almost double the previous year’s.

With so many families flocking to Moscow to attend his church, Wilson wrote an entire book last year with advice for the transplants. A Kirker real estate company is working on new builds for a planned community on the outskirts of town, where I spotted scores of freshly framed skeletons of future homes designed with ample space for large families.

Kirkers make up only about 10 percent of the town’s population of 27,000. But their influence is outsized, locals told me—in May, one Kirker won the Republican primary for the state legislature. Their presence is a particular thorn in the side of the Mormons, who have inhabited Idaho for generations and generally see Wilson’s camp as presumptuous upstarts.

Kirkers told me that they often feel unwelcome in Moscow. They showed me photos of the words “pedo” and “scum” spray-painted on a church affiliate’s campaign signs and a Wilson grandchild’s truck. Several people affiliated with the church mentioned that the church office had received anonymous death threats.

My first evening in Moscow, I attended a prayer event—the one Linda found objectionable­—hosted by the town’s Interfaith Association. Folk dancers stepped in time to a local cantor’s version of the Hebrew folk song “Hinei Ma Tov”; Baptist pastor Hannah Brown read a poem she had written about love; a singer performed the Christian rock anthem “Hold Me Jesus.” Jews, Baha’is, and members of progressive churches were present, as were some Catholics and Mormons. The crowd of about 300 held candles and sang spirituals like “This Little Light of Mine.”

Afterward, Brown, who’d helped plan the event, told me that the organizers had not explicitly invited Kirkers because they would not have expected them to participate. One requirement for membership in the Moscow Interfaith Association is that “you have to be open to promoting religious freedom and religious liberty for all faiths, and that’s not something that they are able to really get behind.”

If Moscow is a tale of two cities, it is also a tale of two Doug Wilsons. Brunch Doug was affable and warm, bearing little resemblance to the pugnacious Online Doug. A teddy bear of a guy dressed in a grandfatherly button-down, he eagerly showed me around his enormous study with floor-to-ceiling bookshelves. Nancy, too, was a muted version of her online persona. Her viral moments are not as numerous as Doug’s, but there are some bangers: One is a video in which she recalls spanking her ­preschool-age daughter for not being excited enough to see her at the end of a playdate; another is a passage from her 1997 book, The Fruit of Her Hands, arguing that there is no such thing as marital rape: “Of course, a husband is never trespassing in his own garden, though he can be made to feel as though he is an intruder.” Brunch Nancy, by contrast, gushed about her grandchild­ren and kept my coffee mug filled.

Between bites of quiche, the couple answered my questions about some of Doug’s more provocative statements in a manner so careful and measured that it was almost boring. Doug’s line about women being “the kind of people that people come out of” had been intended as a joke, one that the liberal media was obviously too sanctimonious to laugh at. The whole wives-being-submissive thing had also been overblown by the media—they could count only a handful of times in their own marriage when Doug had to overrule Nancy. Sure, they spanked their kids, but never in anger, and the children had grown into well-adjusted adults who endorse the discipline they received in their youth.

Wilson’s own childhood was a quiet one. When he was in high school, his pastor father moved the family from Maryland to Ann Arbor, Michigan, and then, after his graduation, they moved to the Moscow area to open Christian bookstores. Before finishing his stint in the Navy, Wilson met Nancy at his parents’ home—she was moving to Moscow to work at his father’s bookstore. The next year, Wilson returned to Moscow, enrolled at the University of Idaho, and worked at the bookstore with Nancy, to whom he eventually proposed.

They married in 1975; by then, Wilson was involved in a new Moscow church. Deeply influenced by the hippie-adjacent Jesus People Movement, he strummed a guitar during services and taught Sunday school. Two years later, he became the pastor of a congregation that would eventually become Christ Church. Over the next decade, though, Wilson grew wary of the wishy-washy elements of evangelicalism—some of his congregants had even begun questioning whether God could be omniscient. He was drawn instead to the more absolutist theology of Calvinism, which emphasizes an all-knowing God who has already preordained who goes to Heaven. His own brother ended up leaving Christ Church over their theological differences and started his own congregation. But for Nancy, the conversion to Calvinism was “wonderful.” She recalled, “I thought, ‘It’s not all gray and muddled anymore.’”

The Wilsons officially became “reformed”—another word for Calvinist—in 1988, and in the following years, Doug’s influence grew. Logos School became a robust K–12 institution, one of the nation’s first classical Christian schools. He started Canon Press, which published his popular homeschool curricula, in 1988 and in the ’90s launched the nationwide Association of Classical Christian Schools and helped found New Saint Andrews College. A series of new churches planted outside Moscow grew into an entire neo-Calvinist denomination, now known as the Communion of Reformed Evangelical Churches.

During the pandemic, Wilson and other church leaders flouted public health restrictions, organizing maskless outdoor psalm sings. These protests garnered media attention, which helped grow their flock as remote work allowed people to relocate to Moscow. Doug estimates that the church has doubled in size since the pandemic.

At the Wilsons’ compound, it wasn’t hard to see the appeal of the Kirker life. Nancy showed me a display she had made of her 18 grandchildren’s Logos graduation announcements and brought me up to speed on Judah, who had just graduated from New Saint Andrews and planned to work in DC. Belphoebe, sharing a name with a huntress character in Edmund Spenser’s classic poem “The Faerie Queene,” was now a mother of two. All the grandchildren remained devout and were raising their own kids—Doug and Nancy’s great-grandchildren—in the faith.

“You never know how your kids are going to turn out. When we became reformed, it’s like, no, the covenant. You know you are. You’re one of us.”

“We want to keep the covenant and not lose any of the kids or the grandkids or the great-grandkids to this alien way of thinking,” Doug said. In other Christian denominations, Nancy added: “You never know how your kids are going to turn out. When we became reformed, it’s like, no, the covenant. You know you are. You’re one of us.”

In Moscow, Wilson declared in 2024 on a podcast called Abounding Grace Radio, “we have happy families. It’s characterized by psalm singing, by feasting, by joy, by Sabbath dinners, by exuberant worship on the Lord’s day, a liberal arts education.”

In the Kirker families I met, the bliss that Doug described was on full display.

After brunch, I drove to the home of Emily and Nethaniel, a Kirker couple in their 40s whose five children ranged in age from 6 to 13. All attend Logos. Emily—tall, tan, and athletic with long, shiny brown hair—showed me around her Craftsman home. She and Nethaniel, who remodel houses as part of their construction business, had added an airy kitchen.

While her husband did chores, Emily, who requested I not use the family’s last name, set up a table and chairs in the shade of a tree that arched over their sprawling backyard. She told me she’d met her husband 20 years ago, right around the time she joined Wilson’s church as a young adult. “I’m a strong, very resilient woman, and I’m so thankful that I have a man in my life that I can look up to,” she said. “I can unload some of that pressure that I’m not built to carry on him—so it actually makes me softer and more delightful.”

During the nearly four hours I spent at Emily’s house, her five children played harmoniously in the yard: no fighting, tattling, or complaints of boredom. No one whined for a screen or a snack. When the old trampoline began to creak noisily from all the jumping, Emily gave a little call and motioned her kids off—they immediately and cheerfully obeyed.

“I’m a strong, very resilient woman, and I’m so thankful that I have a man in my life that I can look up to. I can unload some of that pressure that I’m not built to carry on him—so it actually makes me softer and more delightful.”

It was, quite honestly, glorious, and I asked Emily her secret. “We’ve got this little mini-Taser we keep inside the house,” she joked. But really, she said, the key was their faith. “When you know who you are and what you’re for, everything else is so much more joyful.”

Another evening, I dined with one of the longest-standing Kirker families, the Mortimores, in their Bauhaus-style home nestled in the woods just outside town. From their back patio, over a dinner of steak fajitas with homemade salsa and guacamole, we watched the sun set over the fields below. Sarah and Tim, now in their early 50s, joined the church a quarter century ago—they loved the idea of raising a family in such a tight-knit community. Now they run a thriving construction business, which helped build the new Logos campus. Their teenage daughters, Grace and Catherine, were students at New Saint Andrews and Logos, respectively. Their son, Eliot, and his fiancée, Lucy, both 20, were due to be married the following weekend.

They were eager to hear my impressions of their community: Did it match what I read in media reports? They marveled at the fact that their very own Doug Wilson had become famous and got a kick out of his online controversies. They knew him as a benevolent guy who handed out Hershey’s Kisses to kids at church, shied away from the spotlight at parties, and rarely included personal anecdotes in his sermons. After dessert was cleared, we debated whether to continue the conversation outside or inside. “You decide, covenant head of the family!” Sarah joked to Tim. We finally settled on the living room, where we watched the hills turn purple through floor-to-ceiling windows.

Throughout the evening, their kids occasionally offered observations and opinions. “It’s a cultural expectation that kids hit a certain age and then they start to not like their parents, and they start to become surly—this is what we expect,” Sarah said. “And to be in a community where that is so rare, I’ve never even seen it.” The key, Tim told me, was simple: “to teach them the standard and to love the standard.” By this he meant, essentially, the idea that right and wrong are objective truths and that all questions are answered in the Bible.

I asked Eliot and Lucy about their plans. After their wedding, the couple would move to Cleveland, where Eliot had secured a tech job. Lucy intended to work until they started having babies and would then become a full-time mom. I asked whether they planned to follow the Christ Church model of marriage.

“She’s under her father’s headship, following her father’s lead,” Eliot explained. “I know she will do that for me. I know she will follow my lead if we’re going to move across the country, and she will do it cheerfully.”

“In a week—which is crazy!—when we stand up at the front of the church, and Pastor Wilson asks, ‘Who will give this woman to marry him?’” he added, “he’s transferring that headship of Lucy to me.”

June, a friend of the Mortimores who had joined us for the evening, seemed to read my mind, saying, “What the mainstream world hears is this little wallflower who’s just getting passed around, and she’s gonna wash some dishes, and she’s gonna change some diapers, and shut up, Lucy!” But it wasn’t like that at all, she said. “The ladies here, they’re a force. They are extremely fulfilled, super-smart, read a ton.”

Soon the conversation shifted from the power of the women to the unhappy fate of transgender people. Lucy, who had been quiet up until that point, motioned for Eliot to pass her one of my wireless microphones. “Kids that are growing up in pagan homes that have absolutely no standard, and they’re told, ‘Do what your heart desires, follow your heart, do whatever you think is best for you,’” she said in a quiet but deliberate voice. “We have a goal for raising a family and one day building a kingdom, and our children are going to be our greatest thing that we’ve ever done. And then we’ll go to Heaven and live eternally, and they have absolutely no plan afterwards.”

But how do you teach children to love “the standard”? For Kirker families, part of the answer lies in doling out harsh and immediate consequences and their belief in corporal punishment. Linda likens discipline to a violin string. “When you put it on the pegs, and you start cranking the peg until it’s nice and tight, it’s pulled almost to its limits, only then can it sing,” she said. “That’s kind of like with little children: If you don’t give them boundaries, they get really antsy.”

In his parenting videos on YouTube, Wilson and his team advise parents to mete out physical punishment liberally (but not publicly), especially in the first five years of a child’s life. At first, a mother may use her fingers to flick a baby on the cheek or hand—say, if the baby bites while nursing. By toddlerhood, a parent should use a dedicated implement, like a wooden spoon or a rod. At one point, Wilson, chuckling, told me about putting his 2-year-old son to bed with the wooden spanking spoon in the crib with him to remind him to stay put.

After a spanking, Kirker children must ask God to forgive them and are not permitted to sulk; they are expected to rejoin the family with a spirit of good cheer. In one 2021 parenting video, Ben Zornes, the pastor of a Wilson-affiliated church in Moscow, explained: “If you fuss and scream, it’s going to be more spanking. If you’re gonna mope and you’re going to be sad afterwards, it’s going to be more spankings.”

“Boys need to get knocked down, and knocked down a lot, and your sons need to get knocked down by people who don’t love them nearly as much as you do. Why? Because the world is a cold place, and he needs to be tough.”

Home isn’t the only place Kirker kids get swats. At church, children can be taken out of the service and disciplined in a dedicated “training room.” Logos administrators also employ corporal punishment. In Idaho, like most states, the practice is still legal in private schools—only five states explicitly forbid it.

Infractions that might merit a spanking include hitting, biting, talking back, or fighting with a sibling. But simply not meeting the family’s expectations is another one. In that same parenting video, Toby Sumpter, a pastor at Christ Church, recalls watching a friend carry his 3-year-old out for a spanking; afterward, the child returned to the room, walked over to the vacuum cleaner, and kicked it. The father later explained that his son was afraid of the vacuum cleaner, so they’d required him to kick it every time he passed by. He was spanked because he had forgotten to do so.

Boys in particular require such tough love, Wilson says. “Boys need to get knocked down, and knocked down a lot, and your sons need to get knocked down by people who don’t love them nearly as much as you do,” he says in one 2021 parenting video. “Why? Because the world is a cold place, and he needs to be tough.”

It is also the job of parents to discourage boys from “anything that is frilly, playing with dolls, anything that looks like effeminacy or growing effeminacy,” Wilson told me. “You want to say, ‘We don’t want you to grow up in a way that sets you up for failure, and we’re going to teach you not to go down that road.’”

Discipline for effeminacy isn’t often necessary because the kids learned to enforce masculinity standards themselves. At one point, my conversation with the Mortimore kids turned to the casual use of slurs, like “retarded” and “gay.” I said I probably wouldn’t use those terms even to tease, because I would be afraid of hurting people’s feelings. Eliot said he didn’t have that worry. “For ‘gay,’ yeah, we would use it in our circles,” he explained, “because we don’t have gay people in our community, so we’re not worried about offending.”

“How do you know?” I asked.

He stopped, as though he’d never considered the possibility before. “That’s a great question,” he said.

The Kirkers’ beliefs about masculinity go beyond just discouraging effeminacy in boys. Rather, it’s central to their philosophy for building a more durable Christianity. As Kristin Kobes Du Mez, the historian, put it to me, they believe “American culture, the American church, and American evangelicalism have all become wussified, led by effeminate men who are not even leading…and as a result, the church and society are in a shambles,” she said. “So you need to work from the ground up. You need to work with young boys and teach them how to fight, how to be aggressive.”

In the offices of Canon Press, I met lead pastor Joe Rigney, who once presided over a Wilson-affiliated church in St. Paul, Minnesota—one that made national news in January when protesters outed one of its pastors as an ICE officer. Rigney is also the author of the 2025 book Leadership and the Sin of Empathy: Compassion and Its Counterfeits, in which he argues that a fixation on empathy has led mainstream evangelicals astray.

Women are naturally more empathetic than men, Rigney told me, a disposition that makes them unsuitable for church leadership, combat, and, in most cases, roles like CEOs of companies and professors at colleges. (All but three of the New Saint Andrews faculty are men.) “Women being the glue that often holds communities together through relational connection, nurture, care, hospitality—that’s a really great thing,” he said. But public life requires a man’s steely resolve. “Behind a lot of our political dysfunctions, whether it’s on things like abortion or the LGBT stuff or immigration, the throughline is that we can’t enforce boundaries because empathy overrides what’s truly good.”

“Behind a lot of our political dysfunctions, whether it’s on things like abortion or the LGBT stuff or immigration, the throughline is that we can’t enforce boundaries because empathy overrides what’s truly good.”

The idea of empathy as a sin is having a moment. Conservative Christian podcaster Allie Beth Stuckey published a book, Toxic Empathy: How Progressives Exploit Christian Compassion, elaborating on the same theme. JD Vance hinted at the notion of misplaced empathy in 2025 when he talked about the Christian idea of ordo amoris, Latin for rightly ordered love. “I think it’s a very Christian concept that you love your family and then you love your neighbor, and then you love your community, and then you love your fellow citizens, and then after that, prioritize the rest of the world,” he said in a Fox News interview. “A lot of the far left has completely inverted that.” (Pope Francis disagreed with Vance’s interpretation, describing the concept instead as “love that builds a fraternity open to all, without exception.”) In an appearance last year on Joe Rogan’s podcast, Elon Musk famously said, “The fundamental weakness of Western civilization is empathy.”

Hegseth, too, has waged war against empathy, Wilson told me. “The woke military, the DEI military—all of that was possible because people had accepted as an ethical responsibility to be empathetic, to step into other people’s shoes without judgment,” he said. “Hegseth has emphasized the job of the military is lethality, developing a warrior ethos, not to feel sorry for the guy who wishes that he could wear a dress.”

Ostensibly, Wilson was referring to one phrase in Hegseth’s proclamation at the Marine Corps base in Quantico, Virginia, last year, “No more dudes in dresses…we’re done with that shit!”—a statement that has a distinctly Wilsonian ring to it. Since becoming defense secretary in January 2025, de-­wokifying the military has been the focus of Hegseth’s tenure. He has ended affirmative action and trans-inclusive policies, dissolved the Pentagon committee that supported female troops, and blocked female and Black military leaders from being promoted. But it is in Hegseth’s unapologetic assertions of hypermasculinity that Wilson’s influence is most apparent. In his Quantico speech, he reaffirmed his commitment to the military being “tough as shit” so it could “completely destroy” adversaries.

In his 2024 book, The War on Warriors, Hegseth writes that the Geneva Conventions are unfair because the United States and Europe are the only ones that follow them. Instead, “America should fight by its own rules,” he declares. The nation’s soldiers should be “the most overwhelmingly lethal as they can be.”

Hegseth also bemoans a defense force infected, he writes, with the “fucking scary” disease of progressivism, which “will not stop until trans-lesbian Black females run everything!” He warns, “Sometime soon, a real conflict will break out, and red-blooded American men will have to save their elite candy asses.” In July, Hegseth announced an initiative to screen troops for low testosterone and offer hormone replacement therapy to those found deficient.

It wasn’t until after Wilson entered his life that Hegseth became obsessed with decrying the woke US military. He and his wife found their way to Wilson’s denomination in 2018, and by 2022, he had moved his family to Nashville so his children could attend the Jonathan Edwards Classical Academy, a school in Wilson’s network. In 2023, when Hegseth was still a Fox News host, Nashville Christian Family magazine ran a profile of him in which he mentioned being a member of a “Bible and book study” that focused on Wilson’s book My Life for Yours: A Walk Through the Christian Home. 

Hegseth, a Princeton grad, has since said he’d never send any of his seven children to Harvard, but rather to New Saint Andrews. On an episode of the podcast CrossPolitic that aired shortly before Hegseth became secretary of “war,” he railed against Godless America, lamenting that liberals “used patriotism to untether us from timeless truth, from the Bible.” He also praised classical Christian schools for providing “a comprehensive worldview that prepares them for the battle to come, because we’re in a spiritual battle, and otherwise we’d be sending our kids in as fodder.”

Hegseth’s 2022 co-authored tome, Battle for the American Mind, is essentially a book-length extension of that metaphor. “Charging the ‘commanding heights’—the leftists’ educational Death Star—with Nerf guns will not suffice,” he writes. “We don’t want martyrs, we want victors.” Classical Christian education is our only hope to “give our kids and grandkids at least a fighting chance to save America and Christendom,” Hegseth concludes. He exhorts parents to “join the insurgency!” Children educated in this way, he believes, might stand a chance at defending their nation—because the wokes have failed miserably.

Hegseth is so fanatically macho that he can come off as camp. Was his talk of “trans-lesbian Black females” a parody—or deadly serious? I had the same question when I saw Canon Press’ slickly produced No Quarter November video series, which Eliot Mortimore assisted with. In one scene, Wilson dons a flamethrower and obliterates what he views as symbols of candy-ass leftist culture: cardboard cutouts of Disney princesses, a Mister Rogers-­esque set, and a surveillance drone.

The impact of the Hegseth-Wilson military leadership style was brought home during Wilson’s address at the Pentagon, which referenced Lt. General Lewis Burwell “Chesty” Puller, the most-decorated Marine in history, famous for dramatically thrusting out his chest, and for his unwavering commitment to crushing America’s enemies. “When you learn how to stand firm in the Lord and in the strength of his might,” Wilson told the troops, “you are going to start sounding to your wife like a spiritual version of Chesty Puller…‘We’ve been looking for the enemy for some time now. We’ve finally found him. We’re surrounded. That simplifies things.’” 

At the end, Hegseth clapped Wilson on the back. “Thank you for your leadership, for your mentorship, for the things you’ve started, the truth you’ve told, your willingness to be bold,” he told the pastor. “It’s the type of thing we’re trying to exercise here.”

The Kirker culture of extreme masculinity, nonetheless, can be a positive force. “Especially for little boys, you are told that you are strong and that you will be a leader, that you are a leader,” Kobes Du Mez said. But not conforming or questioning “these teachings to any extent, that’s not going to go well for you as a man.”

A male former Kirker I talked with, who didn’t want me to use his name for fear of retaliation, told me, “A lot of the harm is propagated through boys and men. But it starts out harming boys.”

I also spoke with Cy Whitling, a 32-year-old former Kirker now living in Bellingham, Washington. Whitling’s father was the principal at Logos School when he was growing up and is now its superintendent. The oldest of seven, Whitling described “a very pugilistic childhood.” Boys were encouraged to identify with the war heroes they learned about in history; boxing class was not optional. From the time he was 10, guns hung above his bed. Young Cy “would go to sleep dreaming of somebody breaking into the house so I could shoot them.”

Effeminacy in any form was stamped out. “If I [sat] with my legs crossed like a girl, I got a bunch of spankings, because it was ‘gay,’” he recalled. Boys who spent too much time on their appearance were bullied; high school gym class included coach-­sanctioned games of “Smear the Queer.”

Boys who spent too much time on their appearance were bullied; high school gym class included coach-­sanctioned games of “Smear the Queer.”

Whitling eventually distanced himself from Christ Church and came out as bisexual. He hasn’t spoken to his family since 2019, but the effects of his Kirker upbringing linger. He doesn’t plan to have children because “the experience I had with being a child did not prepare me to be the kind of parent that I would want to be.”

Still, he considers himself relatively unscathed compared to some of his former classmates. “I could go through and name the two kids with behavioral divergences in every class,” he said. “They got 90 percent of the spankings, and their life was definitely hell—and I definitely helped to make it hell.”

Some of the boys who don’t fit the Kirker mold grow into men who overcompensate by wielding a cruel authority over their wives and children. Sarah Bader, an ex-Kirker who now works to help get women out of the church, has witnessed this dynamic firsthand. Men are required to “be successful, look successful, be fit, be a man, be part of this army for Doug—for God,” she said. “A lot of these men have suffered greatly, and we’re seeing a total breakdown of those who can’t quite perform well enough to be the masculine man.”

Another problem with enforcing one set of standards, of course, is that men aren’t all the same, Kobes Du Mez said. “If you have a loving, decent man who uses that authority, or actually doesn’t even use that authority sometimes, it’s going to hit very differently than when a husband and father is abusive or bullying or selfish.”

Bader says she has talked with hundreds of women who have experienced abuse in churches in Wilson’s denomination. Helping them get out in places like Moscow can be difficult because of how deeply intertwined the church is with life there. Multiple sources told me, for example, that Christ Church members or affiliates have served on the town police force, which can make Kirkers reluctant to file reports of abuse. For those who leave the church, it’s “hard to get a job, it’s hard to get a rental,” Bader told me. “It’s an unsafe place.”

In a 2021 article for Vice, journalist Sarah Stankorb chronicled the stories of 12 women who said Christ Church leaders, including Wilson, looked the other way when they reported physical abuse and sexual assault at the hands of their husbands. Since then, several more women have come forward to tell their stories. Logos students have reported being groomed and, in some cases, molested by members of the faculty. A Moscow man who helps Kirker women escape from abusive situations told me that he regularly hears about marital rape. “A lot of our cases are like, ‘My husband wants to have sex five times a day, and I’m not allowed to say no,’” he told me.

Some Kirker women have spoken out on Sons of Patriarchy, a podcast about Wilson’s spiritual empire produced by Bader and theologian Peter Bell. Women tell of being warned by Logos teachers that their developing bodies are dangerous and that friendliness could be misconstrued as flirtation. One former Logos student, Emilie Dye, described being groomed by a teacher in his 50s, Jim Nance. Another alumna reported being groomed by her English teacher. Both women alleged that the church failed to protect them. In 2005, church member Steven Sitler was convicted of child sex abuse after he was convicted of lewd conduct with a minor. In 2022, another church member, Alex Lloyd, was convicted of possessing child pornography. In Sitler’s case, Wilson wrote to the judges asking for “measured and limited” sentencing because Sitler had repented for his sins.

Wilson denies that he sanctions abuse; in the case of Dye, he told me, Nance was dismissed from Logos after his infractions were discovered. In the case of Sitler, he has written, church leaders quickly turned the case over to police. Sitler was arrested and sentenced to life in prison, but he was released on probation after just a year and allowed to return home, where the court later discovered he had been sexually aroused by his infant son.

When I asked the Wilsons about these cases, they agreed that child sexual abuse was horrific and that Lloyd’s case was “really sad.” But Nancy expressed irritation with the media’s fixation on the issue. It was hypocritical, in her view, because “we have this culture where they have transvestites doing library hours for kids,” which no one in the secular world seemed to mind. I pointed out that drag queens weren’t molesting children. “No,” Doug replied, “they’re just grooming them.”

A few weeks after my visit to Moscow, I told Whitling about my conversation with the Mortimores. I mentioned the moment when Eliot said he didn’t mind using the word “gay” in a derogatory way because there were no gay Kirkers. He paused. “Man, I knew Eliot when he was a little kid,” he said, his voice catching. “Makes me really sad. Sorry.”

The campus of Logos School features an imposing brick chapel abutting a barnyard; in addition to serving as the school worship hall, it’s also where Christ Church meets on Sundays. Sitting in the back row, I saw mothers in long flowered dresses with infants strapped to their chests; older sisters distributing bottles to babies and crayons and paper to preschoolers; dads marching restive toddlers out to the hall.

It was Mother’s Day, but you wouldn’t have known it from the sermon. Wilson preached on the Old Testament Book of Esther, the story of the Jewish queen who stood up to a wicked Persian tyrant. The story, he said, offered a valuable lesson for how to be “a beleaguered minority in a heathen empire.” Religious pluralism, he told the congregation, was an “idol,” and Christians should focus on “getting rid of it.”

After a time, the congregation rose and joined together to sing Psalm 28, which asks God to punish Christians’ enemies. “Render to them what they deserve, because they do not regard the works of the Lord nor the operations of his hands,” they sang. “He shall destroy them and not build them up.”

I thought of the Chesty Puller quip Wilson shared during his Pentagon sermon: “They’re on our left, they’re on our right, they’re in front of us, they’re behind us…they can’t get away this time.” But it wasn’t Chesty speaking at the Pentagon—it was Wilson: Wilson’s rigid definition of a warrior, Wilson’s quest to infuse the military with his muscular version of Christianity, Wilson’s laser focus on aggression as a hallmark of successful men and a successful American republic.

After the service, Wilson descended from the pulpit. He greeted a few congregants, smiling and shaking their hands. Then he went over to play the role for which he is famous among Kirker children. Seated on a stool by the main entrance, the benevolent Santa, he distributed Hershey’s Kisses from a large metal bucket. Children swarmed around him as their parents spilled out onto the patio, blinking in the bracing sunlight of a spring day in Idaho.

Favorite Loophole... The carried interest loophole.

Ashley Hinson Fought to Save Private Equity’s Favorite Loophole

Now her campaign is being powered by Wall Street cash.

Tim Murphy

On her campaign website, Rep. Ashley Hinson, the Republican nominee in Iowa’s toss-up US Senate race, says she’s “laser focused on lowering taxes on working families.” In Washington, she’s tackled a different project: Saving private equity’s favorite tax break.

The carried interest loophole, which allows private investment managers to save billions of dollars each year by paying a markedly lower tax on much of their income than many less-affluent Americans, is one of the few things that Barack Obama, Joe Biden, and Donald Trump all agree on. Each of the last three presidents has tried to get rid of it. Obama said that it gave tax breaks to people who “don’t need them and didn’t ask for them.” Trump once said private equity executives were “getting away with murder.” It is also the poster-child for special-interest survival. Wall Street firms have spent tens of millions of dollars on lobbyists to keep it intact, while lawmakers who worked behind-the-scenes to save it have landed lucrative jobs in private equity, and raked in campaign contributions.

The way the loophole works is fairly simple. Private equity managers traditionally operate under a principle known as 2-and-20, in which they take a 2-percent fee on the funds they manage, and then a 20-percent cut—the “carry”—when the assets are eventually sold. The former is treated as regular income, but the latter is taxed as long-term capital gains. Oscar Valdés Viera, a senior policy analyst at Americans for Financial Reform, which has advocated for closing the loophole, likens the carry to a performance incentive: “If a lawyer gets a bonus, if you get a bonus at your job, you pay in the tax bracket that is appropriate for your level of income—you don’t get a preferential treatment of that; we think it should be the same for fund managers.”

Hinson, a former local TV news anchor who was first elected in 2020 to a northeast Iowa swing district, missed the showdown over carried interest when Republicans overhauled the tax code in 2017. That year, thanks to a furious lobbying effort and the work of lawmakers like Sen. Pat Toomey of Pennsylvania, the industry fended off a repeal effort with only a minor tweak—lengthening the period an investment firm had to hold onto an asset before it could apply the discounted rate, from one year to three. But in 2025, Trump signaled his intent again to fully close the loophole, which the Congressional Budget Office has projected could bring in about $13 billion in tax revenue over the course of a decade. House Ways and Means Committee Chairman Jason Smith (R-Mo.) said all options were “on the table.”

What happened next was what always happens: According to Politico, private equity and venture-capital trade groups began messaging members of Congress about how many jobs the industry sustains in each congressional district, and about how small-businesses and regular people would be the ones who ultimately paid the price for a change in policy. And Hinson joined a few dozen other Republican members of Congress in asking Smith to keep the carried-interest provision as it is.

“We recognize that the issue of carried interest has been heavily politicized and frequently mislabeled as a loophole,” Hinson and her colleagues wrote in a letter that April. But they insisted that “carried interest is not a loophole but rather a critical, longstanding investment management tool beneficial to our nation’s economy.”

The letter argued that it was a slippery slope to ending all preferential treatment for capital gains, and attempted to undercut the Trump proposal by noting that Joe Biden had previously embraced it. Closing the private-equity tax break would “directly undermine the pro-family and pro-growth benefits” of the tax law and hurt the middle class. While the loophole’s critics point out that the biggest beneficiaries are, in fact, high-powered private-equity managers, these members of Congress argued that the effect of changing the rule would be far-reaching: It would “harm millions of partnerships in real estate, private equity, and venture capital by disincentivizing entrepreneurial risk-taking and investment, potentially jeopardizing jobs in every state and district.”

Ultimately, the effort paid off. Despite Trump’s bluster, Republicans on the House Ways & Means Committee nixed the idea. The notorious tax break looks safe for the foreseeable future.

“The funny thing is, in some sense, I agree with the letter—it’s not a loophole,” says Jonathan Choi, a professor at Washington University School of Law in St. Louis. “It’s not a loophole anymore because Congress has considered it and decided to leave this terrible policy on the books so many times. At this point, it’s intentional malfeasance on the part of Congress.”

Tax professors are not as divided on the issue as members of Congress. Choi once surveyed 157 of his colleagues and found that all but 10 believed carried-interest should be taxed as income. It is “the single policy on which tax professors are most strongly agreed,” he says. And despite arguments from Hinson and others that Congress needed to maintain the tax rate to keep its investment industry competitive with other countries, plenty of other nations already treat such investments less favorably. The United Kingdom, one of the countries Hinson’s letter argued the nation risked losing ground to, got rid of its preferential treatment just this year.

Hinson, whose campaign did not respond to a request for comment, has proven to be a reliable vote for corporate tax breaks and deregulation in Washington. She has backed major cuts to the Securities and Exchange Commission—Wall Street’s top watchdog—and the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, which protects Americans from scams and dodgy financial instruments. About 95,000 Iowans are employed in the financial services and insurance industry, according to the state economic development authority, and Hinson’s ties run even deeper: According to her 2025 financial disclosures, her husband owned between $1 million and $5 million in stock in High Street Insurers, a subsidiary of the private-equity firm Huron Capital.

But private equity and hedge funds are increasingly a thorny subject in Iowa politics. The Republican nominee for governor, Zach Lahn, has castigated private investment firms on the campaign trail for buying up farmland and homes in the state. Democrats have recently criticized Hinson for taking $30,000 in campaign donations from billionaire CEO Marc Rowan and other employees of Apollo Global Management—the private-equity giant that owns a group of embattled Iowa health-care facilities—and $26,500 from Stephen Schwarzman, the Blackstone Group co-founder who once compared Obama’s efforts to repeal the carried-interest loophole to Hitler’s invasion of Poland. (He later apologized.) All told, Hinson raised more than $1 million from individuals and PACs tied to the securities and investment industry over her three previous campaigns, according to the Center for Responsive Politics. 

And that’s a drop in the bucket compared to Wall Street’s support for her current campaign, where the most recent polls show her locked in a tight race with Turek that could determine control of the Senate next year. In her bid to replace the retiring Sen. Joni Ernst in the upper chamber, Hinson is getting major support from Fight On Iowa, a hybrid super-PAC that’s entered into a joint fundraising agreement with the candidate’s campaign committee; it’s a way for candidates to rake in large donations far in excess of what a contributor can gave to a campaign committee. So far, the PAC has raised $1.77 million. A full $1.5 million of that has come from one donor: Ken Griffin, the New York- and Florida-based hedge fund billionaire who has given generously to conservative causes. The second largest contributor, a California hedge-funder named Bill Duhamel who previously claimed he was “cheated” by George Santos, gave $100,000; the third-largest individual donor is a banker from Connecticut. No donations have come from residents of Iowa or from named individuals outside the financial services industry.

Griffin is not a major beneficiary of the carried-interest loophole himself. Because hedge funds operate on a much quicker time-frame than private equity, their realized gains are generally taxed as ordinary income. (Citadel did lobby Congress on two bills that aimed to close the carried interest loophole in 2017, although the firm says it was for an unrelated issue.) But in a 2013 speech at the Economic Club of Chicago, he stated that “I don’t have a lot of skin in the game on this issue from my personal vantage point but I have an interest in this as a matter of principle.” The effort to target the tax status of private-equity holdings was inconsistent with a tax code that “favors the creation of wealth.” Obama’s effort was “populist, it makes for some really good rhetoric, but it doesn’t make for fairness.” Griffin said of the Obama administration’s proposal.

Griffin, a frequent critic of Democratic regulatory policies who has also voiced concerns about the Trump’s administration’s tariffs and corporate meddling, is one of the largest donors to Republican candidates this cycle, pouring a reported $40 million (so far) into the Midterms—mostly for Senate races. On top of the Fight On Iowa contributions, he’s given $10 million to the Senate Leadership Fund, which is running ads to boost Hinson, among other candidates. In a statement, Griffin said, “Ashley Hinson possesses the experience, commitment, and integrity to deliver results for Iowa’s families and communities,” and “Iowans will be well served by her leadership in the Senate and I am proud to support her.”

Hinson is just one of many candidates he’s supporting. But the money pouring into her race from one donor—and one industry—represents a marked contrast with her self-styled image as a fighter against “special interests.” Not long after she got to Washington, Hinson sent out an appeal for grassroots donors to help her hold onto her seat.

Democrats “believe that with their outside money, and their deep-pocketed donors, they can spend their way to a victory,” she said.

It is everywhere.......

Flock Is Canceled—And Its Competitors Are Profiting

Other brands are still dodging the backlash around automated license plate readers.

Sophie Hurwitz

“If you want to get in your car and you want to go down to Buc-ee’s in St. Augustine, it’s really none of the government’s damn business if you’re doing that, right?” Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis said Monday at a news conference. He announced that Florida will revoke all law enforcement license-plate-recognition camera permits on state highways, with all such cameras to be removed by the end of September.  

“What we don’t want in the state of Florida is to have a digital AI surveillance state where everything we’re doing is being tracked at all times,” DeSantis added, referring to the recent expansion of ALPRs—automated license plate reader cameras—across the country. The cameras are supposed to catch people committing crimes, and sometimes they do. But they’re also ripe for abuse. Each camera forms part of a nationwide network, and by sharing vehicle information between and within police departments, ALPRs can enable officers to track what are called “patterns of life”: where a person is likely to be, who they spend time with, and what they’re doing in a given moment. 

Police officers nationwide are taking advantage of that surveillance ability. In dozens of cases, officers have lost their jobs or faced criminal charges for doing things like searching an ex-girlfriend’s license plate information 2,000 times, searching an estranged wife’s license plates 700 times, or tracking an abortion-seeker across state lines. 

Florida is not alone in cancelling Flock contracts. Texas, last week, ordered state agencies to stop funding Flock cameras. The Oakland-based advocacy group Secure Justice, which tracks automated license plate reader use on the municipal level, says that in the month of August more towns and cities cancelled their Flock contracts than ever before: of the 214 cities that have dropped Flock since 2021, 90 did so in August 2026.  (At least three towns have reported that Flock reinstalled or reactivated their cameras after local officials ended their contracts.) 

Strictly regulating data retention might be one solution. A police department can’t do as much to share data with ICE, for example, if state laws mandate that the data be deleted quickly. In New Hampshire, ALPRs must delete all data after three minutes; Flock’s current default retention period is seven days. 

Corinne Worthington works as the advocacy manager with the Surveillance Technology Oversight Project, a nonprofit focused on litigation and research on discriminatory surveillance technology. To Worthington, Flock is “putting a name to people’s fears.” 

“I think that because of how public Flock has been, people have woken up to the harms of ALPRs in a way that maybe, previously, they weren’t aware of,” Worthington said. While Flock has over 120,000 license plate readers across the country, it is far from the only ALPR company. Motorola, the AI roadway safety firm Rekor, and Axon, the police tech firm behind Tasers, all sell similar cameras to police. Those companies aren’t household names in the way that Flock is, nor have they been subject to the same backlash. 

“That’s the problem with targeting specifically the vendor, not the technology as a whole,” Worthington said. When states and cities cancel their contracts with Flock, they’re likely to end up replacing those cameras with ones made by one of the other ALPR companies. And those other companies are certainly aware that people aren’t happy with Flock. Rekor, another company that sells ALPRs, is calling for national regulations on the cameras to “preserve ALPR’s public safety value.” Those regulations would include “anonymizing non-hotlist plate data” which could then be re-identified with a valid warrant or court order. 

“The fight over whether ALPR should exist has stopped being useful to anyone,” Rekor vice president Charlie Degliomini told me. “The rules are the real argument.” As far as he is aware, Degliomini added, his company is the only ALPR vendor calling for a warrant requirement on at least some plate searches.

But Rekor’s cameras can be abused, too: activists in New York are suing the Westchester County Police Department for allegedly using Rekor’s tools to log their locations thousands of times. And the CEO of Axon, another camera manufacturer, floated the possibility of changing the shape of Axon cameras so they look less similar to the Flock cameras Americans are lately so fond of destroying. 

“We’ve had some people say they’d like to see us make just a different camera, because our ALPR camera looks like an ALPR camera,” Axon CEO Rick Smith said in a now-deleted webinar, as 404 Media first reported. 

Whether cameras that look different, but perform the same surveillance function, will eventually inspire the same pushback remains to be seen.

Knowingly let residents drink lead-contaminated water. The corrupt GOP court says OK....

You Don’t Have a Right to Safe Drinking Water, US Court Rules

A Trump-appointed judge also said Americans have no “constitutional right to truthful information” during a public health crisis.

Sophie Hurwitz

On Friday, the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals affirmed the dismissal of a lawsuit against the city of Jackson, Mississippi, which alleged the city knowingly let residents drink lead-contaminated water. 

The lawsuit, first filed in 2022, says the contamination violated Jacksonians’ constitutional right to bodily integrity. Donald Trump-appointed judge Kurt Engelhardt disagreed. “The Constitution does not provide redress for every governmental wrongdoing,” Engelhardt said. “Defendants’ actions allegedly deprived Plaintiffs of clean water and guileless information. These deprivations, while grievous, do not infringe upon any deeply rooted constitutional right.” 

That may be true in Mississippi—but on the state level in at least nine US states, and in more than a dozen other countries, clean drinking water is in fact a protected right. In countries including Uruguay and South Africa, a right to clean water is enshrined in the constitution. New York’s state constitution, as of a 2021 amendment, states that “each person shall have a right to clean air and water, and a healthful environment.” So too in Massachusetts, where “the right to clean air and water” has been constitutionally protected since 1972.

But according to the Fifth Circuit ruling, the US constitution is too narrow for such a claim. The Jackson plaintiffs alleged that their city government deliberately withheld information about the water’s toxicity, and exacerbated the problem through a series of boil-water notices—a practice that can eliminate some bacterial contamination, but also concentrates lead in water. Engelhardt stated there is no “constitutional right to truthful information from officials during a public health crisis.” 

Jackson is more than 80 percent Black and has a poverty rate that is more than double the national average. The city’s water system has long been in dire need of upgrades. In 2015, officials from the Mississippi State Department of Health found elevated lead levels in the water supply. Instead of immediately informing citizens, they remained silent about the issue for six months, according to reporting from Grist, while residents continued drinking toxic water. 

EPA officials ran a series of tests in 2020 and found “persistent and concerning violations” of water safety policy, including leaks, corrosion, and high lead levels throughout the system. 

But no city, state, or federal agencies fixed the problem. Meanwhile, people including Jackson plaintiff Priscilla Sterling continued drinking water with unsafe levels of lead. According to the 2022 lawsuit, several of Sterling’s children have since been diagnosed with lead poisoning, which can cause permanent brain damage. A quarter of Jackson’s residents are children, who are particularly vulnerable to the life-long effects of lead poisoning. 

The Fifth Circuit ruling comes as the Trump administration moves to weaken clean-water-related protections. Also on Friday, Trump’s EPA released a supplemental rule to further dilute the Clean Water Act, quickly condemned by environmental watchdogs.

“The administration is clearly struggling to craft a rule that will hold up in court while satisfying their donors’ desire to effectively scrap these protections wherever possible,” said Jim Murphy of the National Wildlife Federation. “One thing is clear: If we don’t protect our streams and wetlands, the cost of dirtier drinking water and increased flooding will flow downstream to households at a time when most Americans are living paycheck to paycheck.”

I believe the staff....

John Fetterman Accuses “Disgruntled Staffers” of Spreading “Lies”

Donald Trump’s “favorite Democrat” is lashing out at former aides.

Anna Merlan

Sen. John Fetterman responded angrily this weekend to a recent Wall Street Journal report, which quoted former staffers and the senator’s own alleged text messages to demonstrate his waning interest in performing basic job duties. The Pennsylvania Democrat, per the report, declined to meet with constituents, balked at attending a funeral for three slain police officers shot in York County, and asked why he had to keep meeting with representatives from the Children’s Hospital of Philadelphia.

In an exclusive response to CNN, Fetterman called the reports about his attitude the work of “disgruntled staffers,” adding, “Per usual — lies, half-truths, innuendos, smears and anonymous.” An anonymous Twitter account claiming to represent former staffers was also created on Friday, promising that the WSJ story was, in the Twitter account’s words, “just the tip of the iceberg.”

Fetterman, a first-term senator, has become, as one ex-staffer told Mother Jones last year, “Trump’s favorite Democrat.” He’s sided with Republicans on a myriad of issues, including voting against limiting Trump’s attack on Iran and taking a hard-line approach to immigration. He has rejected calls to shut down ICE and instead favors what he describes as “commonsense reforms.” (This despite the fact that his own wife, Gisele Barreto Fetterman, was herself previously undocumented.) He’s also a strident backer of the Israeli government at a time when many Democrats are no longer defending Israel’s actions in Gaza and the West Bank; the WSJ report charged that he’s spent time courting conservative media and the pro-Israel advocates at the expense of many other constituencies.

Much of the discussion about Fetterman has centered around how much his decision-making has been impacted by a stroke he suffered in 2022 while on the campaign trail. A May 2025 story in New York magazine reported on what staffers said was an alarming series of personality changes over time. His former chief of staff Adam Jentleson wrote in a 2024 memo quoted by the magazine that Fetterman was, in his words, “on a bad trajectory,” and outlined apparent impacts on his approach to work and policy: “Conspiratorial thinking; megalomania (for example, he claims to be the most knowledgeable source on Israel and Gaza around but his sources are just what he reads in the news — he declines most briefings and never reads memos); high highs and low lows; long, rambling, repetitive and self centered monologues; lying in ways that are painfully, awkwardly obvious to everyone in the room.”

Fetterman has rejected reports from former staffers that he’s not fit to serve. In his response to CNN this weekend, he called the WSJ report “the third hit piece from disgruntled staffers” targeting him and claimed the cited text messages were “stripped of any context and circumstances.” He said that while he hadn’t attend the police officers’ funeral, he did express his condolences on Twitter, had flowers sent, and, in June, “privately attended a Tunnel to Towers fundraiser in York for the families.” In response to the allegation that he expressed distaste about meeting with the children’s hospital representatives, he said he had met with them “virtually and in person,” pointing to a photo he posted on Twitter flashing a thumbs-up in their presence. Staffers had reportedly told him the meetings were necessary because hospital officials were “worried about Medicaid cuts,” to which Fetterman reportedly responded, “Well I’m not.” In his CNN response, Fetterman said that comment had been “a dumb joke, and for that, I sincerely apologize.”

The new anonymous Twitter account—calling itself Former Fetterman Staffers—is, according to The New York Times, “authentic” and “a group effort.” The bio for the account describes it as a group of former staffers who are “disgusted with what he’s become” and are “here to share our stories & make sure Pennsylvanians know exactly who he is.” The account said it would share its first “drop” on September 14th, the day the Senate reconvenes for its next session.

Criminal, but we know that already....

Cops Won’t Fight Federal Election Interference—So Citizens Will Have To

How democracy protection groups are preparing for Trump’s worst.

E.J. Graff

Since 2020, President Donald Trump and his allies have been hinting that they might send federal forces to “protect” polling places—hints that have come more frequently as Trump’s approval ratings crater and the midterms draw closer.

In mid-May, Trump made a Mob-boss-like threat: “I would do anything necessary to make sure we have honest elections.” Similarly, Homeland Security Secretary Markwayne Mullin vaguely told senators he would be willing to send ICE to the polls for a “specific threat.”

Of course, Trumpworld may be dropping these hints precisely to scare certain people away from voting. Any actual deployments—whether designed to intimidate voters or to seize ballots or equipment—would be patently illegal; when asked, a DHS official said that “ICE is not planning operations targeting polling locations.” But this administration hasn’t bothered itself much with obeying the law or the Constitution. With all signs pointing to massive anti-­GOP turnout, ICE or other agents from DHS might indeed be deployed to swing districts or to roam Black and brown neighborhoods. If that happens, what can cities, states, and communities do to protect their citizens and fair elections?

Don’t count on the police or National Guard to use force on undisciplined ICE agents. The US has an extraordinarily fragmented security landscape, with more than 18,000 agencies with overlapping jurisdictions—each with its own chain of command and culture. “Local law enforcement does not want to be in a shooting conflict with other law enforcement personnel, federal or not,” explains Tahir Duckett of Georgetown University’s Center for Innovations in Community Safety. Unless fired on unremittingly, police and the Guard would almost certainly not shoot back, former officers and experts told me. They want to go home, alive.

Such restraint was visible in Minneapolis during ICE’s Operation Metro Surge last winter, as more than 3,000 agents deployed to a city with only about 600 cops. As ICE went wilding, police did not attempt to confront or restrict its armed officers. Mayor Jacob Frey explained to me later that was partly because they were so outnumbered. Cops couldn’t be everywhere; it was impossible to arrive quickly when ICE agents broke into a home or tossed tear gas into a car. Given that imbalance, Frey did not ask police to arrest ICE agents. Nor would he have expected them to shoot. “Multiple jurisdictions literally fighting each other—what you’re talking about is the grave concern of civil war,” Frey said. “That’s not safe for anybody. That undermines the security of the very people we’re trying to protect.” If fired upon, Frey said, Minneapolis police would, as trained, fall back “regardless of who is shooting.”

De-escalation, not confrontation, also appears to have been the goal when Gov. Tim Walz deployed Minnesota’s National Guard after federal agents killed Alex Pretti on January 24. Many observers assumed Walz had ordered the Guard to protect Minneapolis residents. But the governor’s office, which did not respond to requests for comment, didn’t seem to have instructed the Guard to prevent ICE lawlessness or arrest its agents for illegal or unconstitutional behavior. Instead, it explained the Guard had been readied “out of an abundance of caution…to help keep the peace, ensure public safety, and allow for peaceful demonstrations.” Members wore high-visibility vests and handed out hot chocolate and doughnuts. “Protesters were asking [the Guard], ‘Why are you out here? What exactly are you here to do?’” notes Lindsay Cohn, a visiting professor at Columbia University and an expert in military–­civilian relations. “The National Guard’s response was, ‘We’re just here to make sure everybody’s feeling good.’ That’s the most Minnesota thing!” But they also offered a model for military behavior contrasting with rampaging ICE officers—a “de-escalation tactic,” she says, “to make everyone feel like this is not the kind of situation where you need to fire weapons.”

Dispatching the Guard was risky, Cohn says. Had ICE attacked residents, the Guard had only bad options. Standing by would tarnish its reputation, but stepping in would be volatile. Cohn conjectures that Walz—a former Guard sergeant who presumably had excellent relationships with its commanders—gambled the Guard’s professional discipline would nudge ICE toward restraint, without a shot. After all, since the Civil War, Cohn says, “state and federal forces have never fired on each other in the US. One side always backs down.”

But here’s the rub: If no security force will actively confront ICE, who will?

Keep in mind what ICE has become. In 2025, Republicans in Congress gave the agency $75 billion on top of its roughly $10 billion annual budget; in June, they forced through another $70 billion to last until 2028. In less than a year, ICE has stockpiled military-grade materiel and more than doubled its ranks, including by hiring recruits rejected by other police and military forces.

With ICE, Trump has no need to invoke the Insurrection Act: He’s got his paramilitary, loyal to the White House over the Constitution. DHS shields its agents from investigation, even those who have executed protesters. That became clear when then–DHS Secretary Kristi Noem called both Pretti and Renée Good, another Minneapolis resident shot dead, “domestic terrorists.” The department initially refused to investigate the agents who killed them or to share any evidence with city or state officials. It’s no wonder that Democratic leaders and voting experts worry ICE will be sent to polls to either intimidate voters or to “secure” ballots, as the FBI did in January in Fulton County, Georgia.

An array of US pro-democracy forces—from institutional players to community advocates—is mustering ahead of Election Day, including the Brennan Center for Justice, 50501, the ACLU, the Advancement Project, All Voting is Local, the Committee for Safe and Secure Elections, Democracy 2025, Democracy Docket, Democracy Forward, Indivisible, Interfaith Alliance, Protect Democracy, the League of Women Voters, Project HALO, Voting Rights Lab, and literally hundreds of others who are loosely but regularly in touch. Some groups are training people in election rights and nonviolent response, trying to prepare for what might happen, especially in blue areas of red or purple states.

There are “more people being trained in nonviolent direct collective action in the United States now than at any point in its history, including during the civil rights movement,” says Democracy Forward’s Skye Perryman. League of Women Voters chapters are partnering with “the garden club, the book club, the Elks Lodge, the Junior League,” says spokesperson Adam Ambrogi, building broad coalitions to show up and “demand normalcy” if DHS intimidation or anything else untoward happens at the polls.

Others are bolstering communication among election administrators, police forces, and civil society groups to quickly coordinate and respond to threats, including any from federal officials. That sounds boring, but it’s critical. Beau Tremitiere, a deputy director at Protect Democracy, notes that while Los Angeles–area residents organized heavily against ICE’s June 2025 surge there, state and local officials struggled to support that response. By contrast, Minneapolis’ successes in community resistance were sustained by clear city and state communication and coordination, developed after protests over George Floyd’s murder.

Democracy defenders have been practicing since 2020, when pro-Trump election deniers tried to halt ballot counts. Chris Thomas, after more than 30 years as Michigan’s state elections director, now works with Detroit voting officials. He says the city has coordinated closely with municipal police since that election, when the president’s supporters banged windows, chanting, “Stop the count.” Pro-­democracy organizations and Democratic secretaries of state are also preparing legal briefs to immediately file suit against any unwelcome ICE interference. But even if pro-democracy forces win fast injunctions ordering ICE out, what if DHS ignores them and keeps coming?

Playwright Anton Chekhov famously said a gun in the first act must go off by the third. “Chekhov never thought about what happens if you had a whole dump truck of guns,” says Heather Hurlburt, a political violence expert, in reference to ICE’s massive buildup. “People who are determined to use force defeat the people who are determined not to,” she warns. “Lawless methods defeat lawful methods. These guys know that.”

That’s where local officials need to support everyday people willing to step up, as they did in Minneapolis. “You don’t need to be possessed of supernatural powers” to see a coming threat, says Corey Hill, a 50501 organizer in Orlando, Florida. His group’s volunteers will register voters and offer rides to the polls. But Hill is also keeping track of a subset who understand that protecting democracy may require a thousand people to show up in a targeted neighborhood or at a polling place or counting center and face an armed ICE surge.

That, after all, is what Pretti and thousands of ordinary Minneapolis residents did after ICE killed Good: Stand in the breach, no matter what, chanting, “You can’t shoot us all.”