A place were I can write...

My simple blog of pictures of travel, friends, activities and the Universe we live in as we go slowly around the Sun.



December 16, 2025

Absolute bullshit

‘Absolute bullshit’: Endangered House Republican blasts leaders over impending Obamacare lapse

New York Rep. Mike Lawler called it “idiotic not to have an up or down vote on this issue.”

By Benjamin Guggenheim and Meredith Lee Hill

An infuriated Rep. Mike Lawler left a closed-door House Republican meeting Tuesday and sounded off on GOP leaders who are planning to allow key Obamacare subsidies to expire in two weeks.

“This is absolute bullshit,” the New York Republican said.

“I think it’s idiotic not to have an up-or-down vote on this issue,” he told reporters of leaders’ refusal to hold a vote on a modified version of the expiring subsidies. “It is political malpractice.”

Lawler also laid into House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries, arguing that Democrats don’t actually want to compromise on the issue and instead want to use health care as a political cudgel against the GOP in the midterms.

“They want to kill it. They want the issue,” said Lawler. “That’s why [Minority Leader] Chuck Schumer put a nonsensical three-year vote on the floor of the Senate when given an opportunity.”

At the same time, Lawler did not rule out joining a Democratic-led discharge petition that would force a vote on a three-year extension to send a message to GOP leaders.

“All options are on the table,” he said.

Lawler’s outburst came after Speaker Mike Johnson told his members in the closed-door meeting that he’s moving forward with a Wednesday vote on a GOP health care bill that would not extend the expiring Obamacare subsidies, according to four people in the room who were granted anonymity to describe the closed-door comments.

Lawler stood up in the meeting, two of the people said, to call Republican leaders’ decision to allow the expiration “a mistake.”

Johnson pushed back on the criticism from Lawler and allies such as Rep. Brian Fitzpatrick (R-Pa.) at a Tuesday news conference.

“Fitzpatrick and Lawler and the others are fighting tooth-an-nail for their constituents — I understand that as well as anyone, because I’m the one in their districts campaigning with them,” Johnson told reporters, adding that “the solution that is being sought by Democrats would further harm the system.”

Speaker Mike Johnson confirmed Tuesday he will not allow a House vote this week to extend expiring Obamacare subsidies — a reversal from last week when a GOP leadership aide said the process “would allow” for an amendment vote.

“In the end, there was not an agreement,” Johnson told reporters, noting the divides in his conference over the subsidies.

December 10, 2025

Grievances about immigrants

Trump's speech on combating inflation turns to grievances about immigrants

By The Associated Press

On the road in Pennsylvania on Tuesday, President Donald Trump tried to emphasize his focus on combating inflation, yet the issue that has damaged his popularity couldn't quite command his full attention.

The president told the crowd gathered at a casino and resort in Mount Pocono that inflation was no longer a problem and that Democrats had used the term "affordability" as a "hoax" to hurt his reputation. But his remarks weaved wildly to include grievances he first raised behind closed doors in his first term in 2018 — and later denied saying — asking why the U.S. doesn't have more immigrants from Scandinavia.

"Why is it we only take people from s—-hole countries, right?" Trump said onstage. "Why can't we have some people from Norway, Sweden, just a few?"

Trump said he objected to taking immigrants from "hellholes like Afghanistan, Haiti, Somalia and many other countries." He added for emphasis that those places "are a disaster, right? Filthy, dirty, disgusting, ridden with crime."

Tuesday's gathering in the swing state — and in a competitive House district — was an official White House event, yet it seemed more like one of his signature campaign rallies that his chief of staff said he would hold regularly ahead of next year's midterms. But instead of being in an arena that could draw several thousand attendees, it was held in a conference center ballroom at the Mount Airy Casino Resort in Mount Pocono, a small town of about 3,000 residents.

Voters starting to blame lasting inflation on Republicans

Following dismal results for Republicans in last month's off-cycle elections, the White House has sought to convince voters that the economy will emerge stronger next year and that any anxieties over inflation have nothing to do with Trump.

He displayed a chart comparing price increases under his predecessor, Joe Biden, to prices under his own watch to argue his case. But the overall inflation rate has climbed since he announced broad tariffs in April and left many Americans worried about their grocery, utility and housing bills.

"I have no higher priority than making America affordable again," Trump said. "They caused the high prices and we're bringing them down."

As the president spoke, his party's political vulnerabilities were further seen as Miami voters chose Eileen Higgins to be their first Democratic mayor in nearly 30 years. Higgins defeated the Trump-endorsed Republican Emilio Gonzalez.

The president's reception in the county hosting his Tuesday rally showed he could still appeal to the base, but it was unable to settle questions of whether he could hold together his 2024 coalition. Monroe County flipped to Trump last year after having backed Biden in 2020, helping the Republican win the swing state of Pennsylvania and return to the White House after a four-year hiatus.

As home to the Pocono Mountains, the county has largely relied on tourism for skiing, hiking, hunting and other activities as a source of jobs. Its proximity to New York City — under two hours by car — has also attracted people seeking more affordable housing.

In Monroe County, people agree that prices are a problem

But what seems undeniable — even to Trump supporters in Monroe County — is that inflation seems to be here to stay.

Lou Heddy, a retired maintenance mechanic who voted for Trump last year, said he's noticed in the past month alone that his and his wife's grocery bills have risen from $175 to $200, and he's not sure Trump can bring food prices down.

"Once the prices get up for food, they don't ever come back down. That's just the way I feel. I don't know how the hell he would do it," said Heddy, 72.

But Suzanne Vena, a Democratic voter, blames Trump's tariffs for making life more expensive, as she struggles with rising bills for food, rent and electricity on a fixed income. She remembers Trump saying that he would stop inflation.

"That's what we were originally told," said Vena, 66. "Did I believe it? That's another question. I did not."

The area Trump visited could help decide control of the House in next year's midterm elections.

Trump held his rally in a congressional district held by first-term Republican Rep. Rob Bresnahan, who is a top target of Democrats. Scranton Mayor Paige Cognetti, a Democrat, is running for the nomination to challenge him.

Speaking to the crowd before Trump, Bresnahan said the administration was working to lower costs, but voters "aren't asking for partisan arguments — they're asking for results."

It's not clear if Trump can motivate voters in Monroe County to show up in next year's election if they're worried about inflation.

Nick Riley, 38, said he's cutting back on luxuries, like going out to eat, as he absorbs higher bills for food and electricity and is having a hard time finding a good deal on a used car. Riley voted for Trump in 2020, but he sat out the 2024 election and plans to do so again next year.

"We're all broke. It doesn't matter whether you support Republicans or support Democrats," Riley said. "We're all broke, and we're all feeling it."

Trump to start holding more rallies before midterm elections

White House chief of staff Susie Wiles said on the online conservative talk show "The Mom View" that Trump would be on the campaign trail next year to engage supporters who otherwise might sit out a congressional race.

Wiles, who helped manage Trump's 2024 campaign, said most administrations try to localize midterm elections and keep the president out of the race, but she intends to do the opposite of that.

"We're actually going to turn that on its head," Wiles said, "and put him on the ballot because so many of those low-propensity voters are Trump voters."

The challenge for Trump is how to address the concerns of voters about the economy while simultaneously claiming that the economy is enjoying a historic boom.

Asked on a Politico podcast how he'd rate the economy, Trump leaned into grade inflation by answering "A-plus," only to then amend his answer to "A-plus-plus-plus-plus-plus."

Trump says economy is strong, but Americans should buy fewer dolls

The U.S. economy has shown signs of resilience with the stock market up this year and overall growth looking solid for the third quarter. But many Americans see the prices of housing, groceries, education, electricity and other basic needs as swallowing up their incomes, a dynamic that the Trump administration has said it expects to fade next year with more investments in artificial intelligence and manufacturing.

So far, the public has been skeptical about Trump's economic performance. Just 33% of U.S. adults approve of Trump's handling of the economy, according to a November survey by The Associated Press-NORC Center for Public Affairs Research.

But Trump indicated that his tariffs and other policies were helping industries such as the steel sector. He said those industries mattered for the country as he then specifically told Americans that they should buy fewer pencils and dolls from overseas.

"You don't need 37 dolls for your daughter," he told the crowd. "Two or three is nice."

Records from 2019 case can be released

Judge rules Epstein grand jury records from 2019 case can be released

Aoife Walsh

A federal judge in New York has ruled the US Department of Justice can publicly release grand jury records from Jeffrey Epstein's 2019 sex trafficking case.

US District Judge Richard Berman's ruling reverses his previous decision to keep the material sealed. He cited a new law passed by Congress requiring the justice department to release files about Epstein.

In his latest ruling, Judge Berman said the victims have the right to "have their identity and privacy protected", adding that their "safety and privacy are paramount".

Esptein was charged with sex trafficking in July 2019. He died in a New York prison cell a month later while awaiting trail.

Judge Berman in August had denied the justice department's request because of concerns about "possible threats to victims' safety and privacy".

But in Wednesday's ruling, he said the materials could now be released because of the Epstein Files Transparency Act, which was signed into law by US President Donald Trump last month.

The law requires the justice department to release investigative material related to Epstein by 19 December, including unclassified records, documents and communications.

It also allows the department to withhold files that involve active criminal investigations or raise privacy concerns.

Judge Berman is the third federal judge to grant similar requests from the justice department since the new law was introduced. On Tuesday, another judge made a similar ruling in the case of Ghislaine Maxwell, who was convicted in 2021 for her role in facilitating Epstein's abuse.

During her trial, prosecutors argued Maxwell recruited and groomed girls, some as young as 14, between 1994 and 2004, before they were abused by Epstein. She is serving a 20-year sentence.

Last Friday, a judge in Florida granted a different request to unseal grand jury transcripts from another investigation into Epstein from 2005 and 2007.

Getty Images Jeffrey Epstein and Ghislaine Maxwell pictured together in 2005.Getty Images
A judge made a similar ruling in the case of Ghislaine Maxwell on Tuesday

The Trump administration has faced months of pressure over the Epstein files. The president was a friend of Epstein's, but has said they fell out in the early 2000s, years before the disgraced financier was first arrested.

Trump has denied any wrongdoing in relation to Epstein.

During the 2024 presidential campaign, he promised to make the files public, and early in the year his administration released thousands of pages of documents from the Epstein investigation – mostly flight logs.

However, justice department officials in July said in a memo no further material would be released.

That prompted anger from within both parties, and lawmakers introduced a resolution forcing the files' release.

Trump, who previously dismissed calls to release the files, signed the bill into law in November marking a major reversal in his position.

The family of Virginia Giuffre, an Epstein victim who died by suicide earlier this year, said Trump signing the bill was "nothing short of monumental".

The files which must be made public this month are different to the documents released by the House Oversight Committee, which had subpoenaed Epstein's estate earlier in the year.

Those documents included images of Jeffrey Epstein's US Virgin Islands home, which showed several bedrooms, a room with masks on a wall and a phone with names written on speed-dial buttons.

Multiple survivors have alleged that they were trafficked to and abused on the island, known as Little St James, which Epstein purchased in 1998.

The images from 2020 also showed what appeared to be a dental chair, and another room that had a black chalkboard on the wall with the words "truth", "deception" and "power" scrawled across it.

The committee's Democratic leader, Robert Garcia, said the material was released to "ensure public transparency".

Republicans, who are in the majority on the committee, criticised Democrats for releasing selective information in advance and then released a further batch of documents.


 


 

IC 1871


This cosmic close-up looks deep inside the Soul Nebula. The dark and brooding dust clouds outlined by bright ridges of glowing gas are cataloged as IC 1871. About 25 light-years across, the telescopic field of view spans only a small part of the much larger Heart and Soul nebulae. At an estimated distance of 6,500 light-years, the star-forming complex lies within the Perseus spiral arm of the Milky Way, seen in planet Earth's skies toward the constellation of the Queen of Aethiopia (Cassiopeia). An example of triggered star formation, the dense star-forming clouds of IC 1871 are themselves sculpted by the intense winds and radiation of the region's massive young stars. This color image adopts a palette made popular in Hubble images of star-forming regions.

IC 434


Sculpted by stellar winds and radiation, this dusty interstellar molecular cloud has by chance assumed an immediately recognizable shape. Fittingly known as The Horsehead Nebula, it lies some 1,500 light-years distant, embedded in the vast Orion cloud complex. About five light-years "tall," the dark cloud is cataloged as Barnard 33, first identified on a photographic plate taken in the early 20th century. B33 is visible primarily because its obscuring dust is silhouetted against the glow of emission nebula IC 434. Hubble Space Telescope images from the early 21st century find young stars forming within B33. Of course, the magnificent interstellar cloud will slowly shift its apparent shape over the next few million years. But for now the Horsehead Nebula is a rewarding though difficult object to view with small telescopes from planet Earth.

Challenging South Carolina’s Draconian Ballot Laws

Disabled Voters Are Challenging South Carolina’s Draconian Ballot Laws

In a state at war with the Voting Rights Act, helping more than five people vote by mail makes you a felon.

Alex Nguyen

Three South Carolina voters with disabilities, represented by the NAACP, filed a lawsuit on Friday against the state’s election commission and Republican attorney general Alan Wilson to challenge rules that limit how disabled voters can receive voting assistance, and who is eligible.

South Carolina only allows voters “who are unable to read or write or who are physically unable or incapacitated from preparing a ballot” to receive ballot assistance, limiting that assistance to an immediate family member or “authorized representative”—and imposes felony penalties on any individual who helps more than five voters by either requesting or returning an absentee ballot. 

The three voters challenging the law currently live in nursing homes, where many residents rely on staff members they trust to help them vote. 

They contend that South Carolina’s draconian voting restrictions violate Section 208 of the Voting Rights Act, which commits to protecting the right for “any voter who requires assistance to vote by reason of blindness, disability, or inability to read or write” to receive such assistance from a person they choose.

The Voting Rights Act has come under consistent attack by GOP-governed states, particularly in the wake of Republican upset losses and near-losses; those attacks have largely been upheld by the Supreme Court under the leadership of Chief Justice John Roberts, which has gutted some of the act’s crucial provisions and opened the door for an unprecedented wave of anti-voter state statutes.

The new suit calls for the court to permanently block South Carolina from enforcing these limits and order the state’s election commission to oversee the revision of voter guidance to comply with the VRA.

The South Carolina attorney general’s office did not respond to a request for comment; the state’s election commission said that it does not comment “on active legal matters.”

As my colleague Julia Métraux wrote last year, polling stations are failing disabled and chronically ill voters in both Democratic- and Republican-leaning areas: “What may be accessible to some disabled people may not be for others. That’s why it’s crucial to move towards more accessible options.” 

Gilded Shit Covered White House of Retards......

Trump’s Gilded White House Makeover Is All About Power

On this week’s “More To The Story,” art historian Erin Thompson examines the ways societies build and destroy monuments—and why Trump is so focused on remaking Washington in his own image.

Reveal

The second Trump administration has made tearing down parts of the federal government a priority. And some of those efforts have been literal. In October, President Donald Trump ordered the demolition of the White House’s East Wing to make way for the construction of a massive 90,000-square-foot ballroom. He’s also given the White House a gilded makeover, bulldozed the famed Rose Garden, and even has plans for a so-called “Arc de Trump” that mirrors France’s Arc de Triomphe.

So what’s behind all of this? Art historian Erin Thompson—author of Smashing Statues: The Rise and Fall of America’s Public Monuments—says that whether it’s Romans repurposing idols of leaders who had fallen out of favor or the glorification of Civil War officers in the American South, monuments and public aesthetics aren’t just about the past. They’re about symbolizing power today.

“The aesthetic is a way to make the political physically present,” Thompson says. “It’s a way to make it seem like things are changing and like Trump is keeping his promises when he’s actually not.”On this week’s More To The Story, Thompson sits down with host Al Letson to discuss why Trump has decked out the White House in gold (so much gold), the rise and recent fall of Confederate monuments, and whether she thinks the Arc de Trump will ever get built.

This following interview was edited for length and clarity. More To The Story transcripts are produced by a third-party transcription service and may contain errors.

Al Letson: What is an art crime professor?

Erin Thompson: Well, someone who’s gone to way too much school. I have a PhD in art history, and was finishing that up and thought, “Oh, I’m never going to get a job as an art historian. I should go to law school,” which I did, and ended up back in academia studying all of the intersections between art and crime. So I studied museum security, forgery, fraud, repatriations of stolen artwork. I could teach you how to steal a masterpiece, but then I would have to catch you.

So is it fair to say that The Thomas Crown Affair is one of your favorite movies?

No. Least favorite, opposite-

Really?

… because they make it seem like it’s a big deal to steal things from a museum, but it’s really, really easy to steal things from museums, as the Louvre heist just proved.

I was just about to say, I think the thieves at the Louvre would agree with you.

It’s hard to get away with stealing things from museums, which is why they got arrested immediately.

So how did you move from studying museum pieces and art crime into monuments?

Well, so my PhD is in ancient Greek and Roman arts, and when monuments began being protested in the summer of 2020 after the murder of George Floyd, people were commenting online, “Civilized people don’t take down monuments. This is horrible.” And I was thinking, “Well, studying the ancient world, everything that I study has been at one point torn down and thrown into a pit and then buried for thousands of years.” Actually, as humans, this is what we do. We make monuments and then we tear them down as soon as we decide we want to honor somebody else. So I thought I could maybe add some perspective. And then having my skills in researching fraud, I started to realize that so many of the most controversial monuments in the U.S. were essentially fundraising scams where a bunch of money was embezzled from people who wanted to support racism, essentially, by putting up giant monuments to white supremacy. So I thought, maybe that’s some interesting information for our current debates.

They got got, as they should.

Yeah. Yeah, yeah.

As somebody who grew up in the South, I would just say as a young Black man growing up in the shadow of these monuments, watching them go down felt like finally, finally this country was recognizing me in some small way. And I was completely unsurprised at the uproar from a lot of people who wanted to keep these monuments up. But when you dig into why these monuments were placed down, a lot of them were done just … Especially when we’re talking about Civil War monuments in the South and in other places, they were primarily put there to silence or to intimidate the Black population in a said area.

Yeah, I call them victory monuments. They’re not about the defeat of the Confederates, they’re about the victory of Jim Crow and other means of reclaiming political and economic power for the white population of the South.

Yeah. And so talk to me a little bit about the monuments themselves and how a lot of those were scams. I had never heard of that before.

So for example, just outside of Atlanta in Stone Mountain, Georgia is the world’s largest Confederate monument, a gigantic carving into the side of a cliff of Lee and Jackson and Jefferson Davis. And that was launched in 1914 by a sculptor, Gutzon Borglum, working with the United Daughters of the Confederacy. The Klan enthusiastically embraced the project. They stacked the board. They took a bunch of the donations. Essentially, no progress was made for years and years and years until the 1950s when as a sign of resistance to Brown v. Board, the state of Georgia took over the monument and finally finished it. So it wasn’t finished until the 1970s. And to me, the makers said it should be a shrine to the South. It’s more like a shrine to a scam.

The Klan leaders who led the project even fired Borglum at a certain point because they thought he was taking too much money. But he landed on his feet because he persuaded some Dakota businessmen to sponsor him to carve what turned into Mount Rushmore. So he defected from glorifying the Confederacy to carve a monument to the Union. So he didn’t really care about the glory of the Confederacy, he just wanted to make some money.

So in the United States, how have monuments historically been funded?

Well, the American government, both state and federal has always been a bit of a cheapskate when it comes to putting up public art. So most monuments that we see were actually privately fundraised, planned, and then donated to local governments. So they’re not really public art. They were put up by small groups for reasons. If you look, for example, at the Confederate monument that used to be in Birmingham, Alabama, this is a little weird that Birmingham had a Confederate monument in the first place because they were founded as a city well after the close of the Civil War. And the monument went up in two parts, both of which were in response to interracial unionization efforts. So the leaders, the owners and managers of the mines, when the miners were threatening to strike said, “No, no, no, no, no, no. We need to remind our white workers that they have to keep maintaining the segregation that their fathers or grandfathers fought for, so let’s put up this Civil War Monument.”

So monuments don’t tell you very detailed versions of history, but also even thinking about history is kind of leading you on the wrong track when you look at, well, who is actually paying for these monuments top people put up and what did they actually want from them?

So tell me, just pulling back a little bit, what’s the relationship between monuments and society?

Monuments are our visions of the future. We put up a monument when we want people to aspire to that condition. We put up monuments to honor people to inspire people to follow their examples. So that sounds good and cheerful, right? It’s nothing wrong with having models and aspirations, but you have to think about, well, monuments are expensive. So who has the money to pay for them? Who has the political power to put them in place permanently? And you’ll often see that monuments are used to try and shape a community into a different form than it currently has. I live in New York City, for example, and almost all of the monuments put up until the last few decades are of white men. And what kind of message does that send to this incredibly diverse community of who deserves honor?

And you said earlier that throughout time we have erected monuments and taken them down. Can you talk that cycle through with me?

Yeah. Well, take the Romans, for example. Roman emperors would win a victory at war and put up a big victory monument, a triumphal arch or portraits of themselves. And then after the emperor died, the Senate would vote and decide, was this a good one or a bad one? Do we want to decide officially that they have become a deity and are to be honored forever, or do we want to forget their memory? And it was about a third, a third, a third. A third was no vote, a third were deities, a third were their memories were subjected to what we call damnatio memoriae. And if that happened to you, they would chisel the face off your statues and carve on your successor. The Romans were thrifty that way. They reused sculptures-

Wow. So they recycled.

Yeah, yeah, yeah.

Wow.

Or they would break things up or melt it down and make it into a new statue. So this was a pretty common strategy of, just like we do it in a much more peaceable form, when a new president is elected, you take down the photo of the current president from the post office and put up the successor, etc, etc. So in the ancient world they had a more intense version of this, but you can think about the tearing down of statues of Saddam after his fall or the removal of statues of Lenin across the Soviet satellite states. This is something that we do when there are changes in power, and usually we don’t notice it because it’s more peaceful. There’s an official removal of the signs of the previous regime and a substitution with the others.

So what was special and different about the summer of 2020 was the change came from below. It was unofficial. We mostly saw people not tearing down monuments with their bare hands, that’s obviously hard to do, but modifying monuments by adding paints, signage, projections, etc.

And that’s exactly like what you looked at in Smashing Statues is the shift that, to me, in a lot of ways had been a long time coming. There had been movements here and there that were kind of under the radar for most people. But then after George Floyd, it’s like it got an injection of adrenaline, and suddenly all over the country you start seeing this stuff happening.

Yeah, and I think people lost patience. What wasn’t obvious to a lot of observers was that changing a monument or even questioning a monument is illegal in most of the U.S., or there’s just no process to do so. So I interviewed for the book Mike Forcia, an indigenous activist in Minnesota, and he had been trying for his entire adult life to get the state legislator to ask why is there a statue of Columbus in one of the cities with the largest concentrations of an urban indigenous population in the world? And all of his petitions were just thrown away. So he eventually had to commit civil disobedience, I would describe it, by pulling down the statue. There’s no other way to have that conversation.

Let me ask you, just to go back a little bit, how do these monuments shape and perceive history? Because you saying that this is what we’ve always done and the Romans would switch out faces and statues, that’s totally new to me. And so as somebody who grew up with Confederate statues around or Confederate names always around, I think it’s shaped the way I view the world. And also as they were coming down, not knowing that in the long arc of history that this is what we always do, it challenged the perceptions, I think of a lot of people.

Monuments are inherently simple. You can’t tell a full historical story in a couple figures in bronze. So I think they communicate very simple messages of this is the type of person that we honor. And they speak directly to our lizard brain, the part of us that sees something, “Oh, something big and shiny and higher than me is something worthy of respect.” So you can’t tell them a nuanced story in a monument, and that is used as a strength. I also think it’s a strength that they become boring. They fade into the background of our lived landscape, and then we don’t question their messages if we just think of the monument as something, oh, we’re going to tell each other, “Meet at the foot of this guy for our ultimate Frisbee game,” or something. So it is these moments of disruption that let us think, “This is supposed to stand for who we are as a people. Do we really want that guy up on the horse telling us who we are?”

In the aftermath of George Floyd’s death and these statues and monuments are coming down or they’re being defaced, my little sister lives in Richmond, Virginia and I went to visit her. And I’ve been to Richmond several times. And I think I’d seen pictures of the monuments in Richmond being graffiti on them, but I had not seen them in real life up close. And it was kind of stunning to me. Also, what was stunning about it, because in Richmond, if you’ve never been to Richmond, Richmond has like this … I don’t know what street it is, but this long row-

Monument Avenue.

Monument Avenue, thank you. Has Monument Avenue with all of these different monuments. After George Floyd, they were spray painted, and people were gathering around these monuments in a way that I’d never seen before.

I think those monuments went up to create a certain type of community. Monument Avenue was designed as a wealthy neighborhood, and how do you prevent the quote, unquote, “wrong type of people” from moving into your nice neighborhood? Well, put up some nice monuments celebrating Civil War generals. So it’s not-

You tell them they’re not welcome.

Yeah, exactly. So it’s a community created by exclusion, is what these monuments were put up for. And we actually see that again and again. In Charlottesville as well, the sculpture of Robert E. Lee that was recently melted down was put up to mark the exclusion of people from a neighborhood that had formerly been a neighborhood of Black housing and businesses, which they were condemned by eminent domain and turned into a cultural and park space that was intended to be whites only in the 1920s. So monuments are a powerful course for creating community. But you’re absolutely right that the removal can be a powerful force for creating community as well. And what saddens me is if you go to Richmond today, some of the bases of those monuments are still there. The Civil War monuments have been removed from Monument Avenue, but all of the graffiti has been scrubbed off. There’s no more people gathering there. It looks just like a traffic median again. And that’s true of almost everywhere in the U.S. The authorities are always a bit nervous about this type of spontaneous use of public space, I would say.

Yeah. Listeners to this podcast have heard me say this 101 times because it’s my thing, but I just believe that America is a pendulum, that it swings hard one way and then it comes right back and swings the other way. Which means that in the long-term, America sees progress in inches, but the swings are where you can see exactly where the country is right now. And so I think if we look at what happened after George Floyd died, that was a hard swing the other way. I’m curious if what we see right now coming from the Trump administration, and not just like in military, he’s reverting the names or changing the names of military bases back to people whose names have been taken off these military bases, all of that type of stuff, but also he’s planning to put an Arc de Trump in D.C., the East Wing Ballroom, all of that stuff, do you feel like that is the opposite swing of what we saw during George Floyd’s death?

Oh, yeah. And even literally, recently the Trump administration said that they were going to reverse removal of statues. So they re-erected a Confederate general statute in D.C., and they’ve said that they’re going to put up the Arlington Confederate Monument, which would cost millions and millions and millions of dollars to put up. So we will see if that actually happens. But just declaring that you’re going to do it is enough of a propaganda victory, I think, in this situation.

Right.

It might seem silly or not worthy of attention to look into the Trump administration’s aesthetic decisions, all of the gold ornamentations smeared all over the Oval Office and ballrooms and Arc de Trumps, and etc, but the aesthetic is a way to make the political physically present. It’s a way to rally people’s energies. It’s a way to make it seem like things are changing and like Trump is keeping his promises when he’s actually not. I think he hasn’t really changed Washington in the way that he’s told his base he’s going to change. The elite are still in control of political power and wealth, but he is literally changing the White House by tearing part of it down. And you can channel people’s attention into rooting for that type of change instead of actual change.

And the style choices that he’s making are very congruent with his political message, in that he’s appealing to a vision of the past, which is greater than the present. But in both his political message and his aesthetic style, this vision of the past, you can’t pinpoint it. It’s not an actual time. It’s a fuzzy, hand-wavy, things were prettier and nicer than. And so you can’t fact-check that type of vision. You can’t see if we’ve actually gotten closer to it. And so putting up a gilded tchotchke counts as progress towards that, and he can claim the credit, which he’s happy to do.

Yeah. And I think that’s intentional, because if you can’t land on the specific time period, you can’t be held accountable for how that time period played out for the disenfranchised.

Or for the powerful of that time period.

Right. Right, exactly.

Appealing to making the White House look like Versailles. We all know what happened to the French kings, but apparently we’re not paying much attention. And there’s another current right tendency to appeal to the glory of Caesar. Everybody wants to be like Julius Caesar when that’s really not a good life choice, if you want to end up like him.

I think the other thing when I think about Trump’s aesthetic, so I grew up in the South but I am originally from New Jersey, and I remember Trump when I was really young, primarily because my dad was from Pleasantville, New Jersey, which is right outside of Atlantic City. And so there were conversations that I didn’t understand as a kid, and Trump was a part of those because he had his casinos and all of that type of stuff. And I just remember being a little kid and seeing a commercial for, I guess either it was Trump’s properties or it was a casino or whatever. And I just remember looking at it on the TV and seeing gold everywhere. That was his thing, gold. And the older I get, the more I realize that the way Trump sees gold and all the fittings that he has around, really is like him surrounding himself what he perceives of as wealth, and what people who don’t have wealth perceive of as wealth.

But the actual uber-rich, usually from what I’ve seen, do not decorate their houses in all gold, do not flaunt. Their wealth is present but quiet, whereas Trump’s wealth is present but loud. And that speaks to a lot of people who do not have the wealth. And in a sense, him putting gold around the White House is a secret, in my opinion, aspirational message to poor folks who do not have that, “One day you can have.” I don’t know, it’s just like a theory that I’ve been cooking in my head since I was a little kid.

I think absolutely. We have the proverb, “All that glitters is not gold” because people keep needing to be reminded. And yeah, again, in our primitive lizard brains, we think shiny equals good and I want that, and we don’t look below the surface. And I think that Trump’s focus on glitzing up the White House, on making these new constructions now in his second term is not accidental, because you often see populist leaders focusing on aesthetic projects towards the end of their political life. In Hitler’s last days in the bunker, he was still pouring over models for a museum that he was building in his hometown of Linz, in which he was planning to put all of the masterpieces seized from victims of the Holocaust from other museums across Europe. It was going to have 22 miles of galleries, all stuffed full of the artistic wealth of the world.

And I think there’s a comfort in this idea. Like, if I make something spectacular and beautiful enough, all of the cruelty that went into making it will be justified. I will be forgiven. So when I’m feeling depressed about the world, I think maybe this focus on the gold now is such an obsession because he recognizes that he’s on his way out.

What does it mean to a society that some of the tech leaders are now turning their attention towards building statues? You were just talking about how leaders when they’re beginning their twilight are … I guess they’re thinking about their legacy, and so they’re putting up these monuments and doing other things. But what does it mean for us when we have these tech bros that are doing it now?

Well, we’ve always seen this. Think about the Pantheon in Rome, that big circular temple. Across the front of it, you can still see the shapes of the letters that it used to have that was erected not by an emperor, but by a wealthy Roman who was doing so in service of the imperial cause. So big donors making big, splashy public projects have always been realizing that this is a good way to get in with the regime to shape things, to get loyalty from the public to their point of view as well. So today you look at people’s reactions to Elon Musk is very similar, I think to what you were talking about, the idea of, “I can also have this splashy level of wealth maybe someday, so I will follow somebody who I could see as a model of getting wealth, rather than someone who is actually going to do anything that’s actually good for me.”

Do you think that the Arc de Trump will ever be built?

That’s the thing about these Trumpian aesthetic actions, you can just put out the promise, you can release a picture of the renderings and claim victory, even though you haven’t actually done anything. I very much doubt that this arch is going to go up for a huge variety of reasons, but if it would go up, I don’t understand how it can be justified to spend that much money. When on the one hand you’re saying we are trying to cut government expenditure, there’s no justification for having tens of millions probably going on an arch to yourself.

Giving Billionaires Even More Power......

The Supreme Court Ponders Giving Billionaires Even More Power Over Elections

Republicans want the last limits on political spending eliminated.

Pema Levy

The Supreme Court heard oral arguments on Tuesday in a case that could unravel the final remaining limits on the ultra-rich writing unlimited checks to their preferred federal candidates, opening the door even wider to political corruption. The liberal justices were clearly opposed to further weakening campaign finance rules, a path long-favored by the court’s Republican wing and that the Democratic-appointed judges have been dragged down kicking and screaming. Today’s oral arguments were no exception. If the court’s majority is going to make it even easier for the Elon Musks of the world to buy elections and reap the rewards, the dissenters will at least call it out.

The Federal Election Campaign Act limits how much money individuals can give to federal candidates in hopes of limiting quid pro quo corruption—deals like, for example, I give you a million dollars and you give me a subsidy. Likewise, FECA limits the amount that parties can spend in coordination with a candidate, an acknowledgement that unlimited coordinated spending would effectively greenlight large donations to the candidate from a single source. For this reason—despite the court’s steady erosion of campaign finance law—for now unlimited donations must go to vehicles like super PACs, which are technically barred from coordinating with candidates, while donations to parties and candidates remain subject to Congressionally-set limits. 

In 2022, the Republican Party arms that work to elect Senate and House members, the National Republican Senatorial Committee and the National Republican Congressional Campaign Committee, alongside then-Senate candidate JD Vance and another Ohio Republican candidate, challenged these coordinated spending limits as a violation of the party’s First Amendment free speech rights.

The case is a partisan brawl. The Republican litigants are opposed by Democratic committees seeking to keep the limits in place. Republicans have recently relied more heavily on the unlimited spending of super PACs; a decision in their favor would allow the party to bring that massive but uncoordinated super PAC spending in-house and let donors write large (but still limited) checks to the parties to spend in open coordination with GOP candidates.

Elon Musk, for example, used his own PAC in 2024 to funnel upwards of $300 million to Republican candidates, mostly Donald Trump. In return, he got to spend months dismantling the federal government, investigations against his companies were dropped, and new contracts were awarded. If Republicans win the case, next time, Musk could donate some of that directly to the GOP to spend in direct consultation with Musk’s preferred candidates.

During oral arguments, attorney Noel Francisco, a former solicitor general during Trump’s first term, argued on behalf of the Republicans that eliminating the coordination limits would not increase the actuality or appearance of quid pro quo corruption, claiming no such corruption has ever occurred. Justice Sonia Sotomayor indignantly schooled him on the relevant history.

“You keep saying there’s no evidence of this kind of coordination resulting in a quid pro quo or the appearance thereof,” Sotomayor told Francisco. “But the whole campaign finance law is based on just such evidence… The dairy industry channeled millions of dollars to President Nixon through the Republican Party and its committees. The industry landed a $100 million subsidy from President Nixon in return. Was there a quid pro quo? There certainly was an appearance of quid pro quo. That’s what started the entire campaign finance reform legislation.”

“If there’s not direct evidence, it’s because our umbrella is working,” Sotomayor continued, referring to a famous dissent by Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg in which she analogized striking down a law that works to block bad behavior to “throwing away your umbrella in a rainstorm because you are not getting wet.” 

A few minutes later, Sotomayor noted the gobs of money that Trump and President Joe Biden both raised in 2024 through committees jointly run with the parties. When Francisco responded that this enormous fundraising didn’t lead to any—or even the appearance of—quid pro quo corruption, Sotomayor brought up an obvious rejoinder from that election: Musk. 

“You mean to suggest the fact that one major donor to the current president, the most major donor to the current president, got a very lucrative job immediately upon election from the new administration does not give the appearance with pro quo?” she pressed.

Francisco feigned ignorance. “Your Honor, I’m not 100 percent sure about the example that you’re looking at, but if I am familiar, if I think I know what you’re talking about, I have a hard time thinking that his salary that he drew from the federal government was an effective quid pro quo bribery,” Francisco said with a chuckle. “Maybe not the salary, but certainly the lucrative contracts,” Sotomayor responded. 

It was a striking moment. It appeared that the best argument that a talented lawyer had in the face of clear evidence of corruption was to pretend he didn’t understand the question. This refusal to see what is apparent will be likely resurface if the conservative justices decide to jettison yet more restrictions on billionaires influencing elections—even as it stares them in the face.

While the case was technically over the First Amendment and the definition of speech, there was very little talk about that. Instead, several GOP appointees voiced concerns that political parties have been weakened thanks to the rise of super PACs, and that allowing unlimited coordinated spending by parties would restore the parties’ power by encouraging donors to send their money there. Francisco embraced the argument. But it is obvious why this reasoning was maddening to the liberals.

First, that’s not a First Amendment determination, but a policy preference, and pushing one through is not what the court is supposed to do—though that isn’t likely to stop the GOP-appointed majority. Second, the only reason super PACs have so much money is that the Supreme Court lifted outside contribution limits, first in 2010’s Citizens United and, again, in a 2014 case called McCutcheon. Francisco’s argument that the court needs to unravel yet more of Congress’ rules because its meddling has already messed things up is not a strong one. It’s a bait and switch: Now that you gave us what we wanted, you actually have to give us more of what we want. 

Indeed, Francisco acknowledged that if his GOP clients win and the limits are lifted, they will soon be back before the court asking for even more. And this time, the logic of any restrictions on campaign donations will be in Constitutional jeopardy. 

Attorney Roman Martinez, whom the court appointed to defend the limits because the Trump administration declined to do so, called out that risk, and how this case would cascade into a total erosion of campaign finance law. “This wolf comes as a wolf,” he said, quoting a 1988 dissent by the late Antonin Scalia that is beloved by conservatives.

Francisco, Martinez said, “has basically told you that they’re going to keep litigating to knock down every single one of the restrictions, and that includes the limits on donors to candidates directly.” Martinez continued to lay out this dark future: “It’s going to leave the donor with the ability to give infinite money to the party… and then the party can make unlimited coordinated expenditures—which, by the way, aren’t just about speech. It’s paying the electric bill, it’s paying the florist bill, it’s paying the pizza bill. It’s any expense that the campaign wants.”

The Republican majority has a history of aiding the GOP, and this case may become just the next example. But several of the conservative justices were mostly mum on Tuesday, leaving the outcome a little unclear. It’s possible the court could, to avoid the appearance of another win for Republicans ahead of the midterms, dismiss the case on the grounds that the plaintiffs lacked standing. But if the court continues as it has, both in its support for the GOP and its ultra-wealthy benefactors, then they will likely make it easier for the two to work together.

We started down this road with Citizens United, and every few years since, the court’s GOP majority has pushed us closer and closer to a system of election by oligarchs. The rich do not spend billions of dollars on elections out of the goodness of their hearts, but because presidents and representatives will return the favor. We’ve already seen it happen this year. We’re getting pretty close to where this road ends. Whether or not this case takes us another mile toward an oligarchic free-for-all, we’re already in the bad place.

Year of Hell

A Year of Hell for Immigrants

In the first Trump administration, cruelty was the point. Now, it is the norm.

Isabela Dias

The image was grotesque.

In March, a camera-ready Kristi Noem posed in front of a group of shirtless, shaved, tattooed men crammed inside a metal holding cell in a foreign prison. The photo-op (and video message) was taken during the Homeland Security secretary’s tour of El Salvador’s Terrorism Confinement Center, where the Trump administration had sent more than 230 Venezuelan migrants on flimsy evidence. Noem’s performance at CECOT was a triumphant show of ruthlessness as well as a warning: If you’re an immigrant unlawfully present in the United States, you too could end up shipped off to another country and held in one of the world’s worst prisons—perhaps indefinitely.

The administration’s apparent satisfaction in arranging the CECOT ordeal has been emblematic of the second Trump term’s ever-increasing callousness toward immigrants and willingness to treat the constraints of the law as mere suggestions. Last month, Human Rights Watch and the watchdog organization Cristosal documented evidence that the Venezuelans removed to El Salvador endured “torture” and “enforced disappearance.” (As we reported after their release, and confirmed by the report, men said that following Noem’s visit, they received more beatings and had their food taken away by the prison guards.)

That image of Noem and the saga of the Venezuelans the US government exiled to a notorious gulag—without a semblance of due process—should be seared into America’s collective memory. But in the months since it happened, and as those men are made to live with the trauma inflicted on them, I’ve wondered whether it will.

Displays of inhumanity were a normalized phenomenon in 2025. A peril of having punitive theater as a central tenet of governance is that, eventually, the shock factor and public outrage risk wearing out. The horror may never fully register. When there’s a barrage of previously-unbelievably-unconscionably-legally dubious acts and brutal policies, how does one begin to wrap their head around each uniquely reprehensible episode, let alone a year’s worth of anti-immigration cruelty?

Think of all you’ve seen this year. The same month as Noem’s video, a Tufts University student was descended on by masked men and sent to detention for the grand offense of co-writing an op-ed critical of Israel. An unknown number of people have been dragged out of cars, chased down streets, and forced to the ground during immigration raids. We’ve all watched the videos. But there are simply too many examples to keep track of; the recordings start blending into each other. The impact of individual stories starts to dilute in an overwhelming news cycle where everything is “unprecedented” and too horrific to contend with. We look away.

But the sheer volume does not stop Trump’s war on immigrants from raging on in full force. And it is vital to look at just how wide and encompassing this assault has been: This year, the White House routinely made the lives of immigrants—all immigrants—and their families in the United States hell.

This is an imperfect attempt to take stock of it.

As previously mentioned, the Trump administration disappeared hundreds of Venezuelan men to CECOT—a gulag that has elicited comparisons to a concentration camp—in brazen defiance of court orders. Noem admitted in a declaration filed last week in response to an ongoing inquiry by a federal judge in Washington, D.C. into possible criminal contempt that she made the decision to continue to fly the men to El Salvador despite a ruling blocking their transfer. (The Justice Department all but dared the judge to pursue a referral for prosecution.)

Then there is US Immigration and Customs Enforcement. The administration enabled ICE—now the most well-funded police force in the country—to snatch people up with little accountability and authorized the agency to make arrests at and near hospitals, churches, and courthouses. Masked agents began to show up at hearings and routine check-ins. The agency started recruiting so-called “Homeland Defenders” to go after immigrants for a $50,000 signing bonus. (The FBI recently issued a warning about instances of criminals impersonating ICE agents.) “Collateral arrests” of people who have lived in the United States for decades became common occurrences.

At the same time, Trump stripped immigrants of legal protections, making them newly deportable. The administration has taken away protected status from hundreds of thousands of people in what amounts to the largest de-legalization push in recent US history. They arrested, detained, and deported Dreamers—immigrants brought to the United States as children—despite valid protection from said deportation.

It goes on: Trump further gutted refugee resettlement, with the notable exception of South Africa’s white Afrikaners; banished immigrants to third countries and nations where they face potential harm (in flagrant violation of the international law principle of non-refoulement); purged the immigration courts and weaponized them as a deportation-first tool; tried to take away the citizenship of American-born children; dispatched a militarized border patrol and other federal agencies with camera crews to terrorize Democrat-led cities; and instituted a policy of mandatory detention designed to break people’s will to fight their cases. (One lawyer I talked to recently recounted a client telling him he would rather spend 10 years in prison in Venezuela than another 10 days in US immigration detention.)

Many of those measures made headlines and elicited outcry. (I’ve failed to list other events of note, I am sure.) But there are countless other ways immigrants across the United States are quietly bearing the brunt of an administration that—fighting a self-perceived battle for the survival and presevation of a blood-and-soil idea of America as a nation—demonizes entire communities and casts foreign-born people as an existential threat. (An exception? If you have $1 million lying around to purchase a “Gold Card” fast-track visa and path to residency to “unlock life in America.”)

Looking at the immigration system as a whole, virtually every part of it has been made harder and riskier, as if repurposed only to punish people for one of the most universal experiences there is: migration.

Every day, immigrants are being penalized for interacting with the legal immigration system. The Trump administration has gotten out of its way to make the citizenship civics test harder to pass while also increasing scrutiny through the expansion of a values-based “moral character” standard. They have eliminated the automatic extension of employment authorization for people renewing their work permits. Under the guise of restoring “integrity” to the system and making the country safer, they expanded the enforcement authorities of US Citizenship and Immigration Services, the agency in charge of visas and other immigration benefits, empowering special agents to make arrests.

The State Department has revoked thousands of student visas and is tightening vetting for fact-checkers and workers in the disinformation field. Following the shooting of two National Guard members in D.C. by an Afghan immigrant, the administration halted all asylum decisions, shortened the duration of work permits for various groups from five years to 18 months, ordered the review of approved green cards for immigrants from “every country of concern,” and began canceling naturalization ceremonies. Unsurprisingly, a growing share of immigrants with legal status, and even naturalized US citizens, report worries about immigration enforcement.

The message is clear: No immigrant living in the United States is to feel safe or welcome. No one will be spared. Not a college freshman visiting family on Thanksgiving. Not even the mother of the White House press secretary’s nephew. “The distinction between legal and illegal immigration becomes meaningless when both can destroy a country at its foundation,” a spokesperson for USCIS said in a press release email that landed in my inbox in November.

Much of the current immigration policymaking—if this rampant clampdown and unleashing of brutalizing force can be called that—seems to be now distilled to a simple modus operandi: we do it because we can. Little does it matter if families are separated again or if US children with cancer end up being removed from the country. Any means fit for this end: to get as many people out as possible and stop others from coming.

Every disturbing news report about a wrongful deportation or military-style raid of an apartment building should come as a reminder that the US government is using its prosecutorial discretion—it is choosing—to normalize casual cruelty and overt racism. And it’s doing so ostensibly in the name of “protecting” the American people.

They should.....

Britain distances itself from Australia’s social media ban for kids

A No. 10 spokesperson said there’s “no current plans to implement a smartphone or social media ban for children.”

By Tom Bristow

Australia hopes its teenage social media ban will create a domino effect around the world. Britain isn’t so sure. 

As a new law banning under-16s from signing up to platforms such as YouTube, Instagram and TikTok comes into force Wednesday, U.K. lawmakers ten thousand miles away are watching closely, but not jumping in.

“There are no current plans to implement a smartphone or social media ban for children. It’s important we protect children while letting them benefit safely from the digital world, without cutting off essential services or isolating the most vulnerable,” a No.10 spokesperson said Tuesday.

Regulators are tied up implementing the U.K.’s complex Online Safety Act, and there is little domestic pressure on the ruling Labour Party to act from its main political opponents. 

While England’s children’s commissioner and some MPs are supportive of a ban, neither the poll-topping Reform UK or opposition Conservative Party are pushing to mirror moves down under. 

“We believe that bans are ineffective,” a Reform UK spokesperson said. 

Even the usually Big Tech skeptic lobby groups have their doubts about the Australian model — despite strong public support to replicate the move in the U.K.

Chris Sherwood, chief executive of the NSPCC, which has led the charge in pushing for tough regulation of social media companies over the last decade, said: “We must not punish young people for the failure of tech companies to create safe experiences online. 

“Services must be accountable for knowing what content is being pushed out on their platforms and ensuring that young people can enjoy social media safely.”

Andy Burrows, who leads the Molly Rose Foundation campaign group, argues the Australian approach is flawed and will push children to higher-risk platforms not included in the ban. 

His charity was set up in 2018 in the name of 14-year-old Molly Russell, who took her own life in 2017 while suffering from “depression and the negative effects of online content,” a coroner’s inquest concluded. 

“The quickest and most effective response to better protect children online is to strengthen regulation that directly addresses product safety and design risks rather than an overarching ban that comes with a slew of unintended consequences,” Burrows said. 

“We need evidence-based approaches, not knee-jerk responses.”

Aussie rules

Australia’s eSafety commissioner Julie Inman Grant, an American tasked with policing the world’s first social media account ban for teenagers, acknowledges Australia’s legislation is the “most novel, complex piece of legislation” she has ever seen.

But insists: “We cannot control the ocean, but we can police the sharks.”

She told a conference in Sydney this month she expects others to follow Australia’s lead. “I’ve always referred to this as the first domino,” she says. 

“Parents shouldn’t have to fight billion-dollar companies to keep their kids safe online — the responsibility belongs with the platforms,” Inman Grant told Australia’s Happy Families podcast. 

But the move does come with diplomatic peril.

Inman Grant has not escaped the attention of the White House, which is pressuring countries to overturn tech regulations it views as unfairly targeting American companies. 

U.S. congressman and Trump ally Jim Jordan has asked Inman Grant to testify before the Judiciary Committee he chairs, accusing her of being a “zealot for global [content] takedowns.” She hit back last week, describing the request as an example of territorial overreach. 

The social media account ban for under-16s is the latest in a line of Australian laws that have upset U.S. tech companies. It was the first to bring in a news media bargaining code to force Google and Facebook to negotiate with publishers, and was the first major economy to rule out changing laws to let AI companies train on copyrighted material without permission.

The U.K. has also upset the White House with its existing online safety measures, and the Trump administration said earlier this year it is monitoring freedom of speech concerns in the U.K.

Australia is used to facing down the Big Tech lobby, explains Daniel Stone, who advised the ruling Labor Government on tech policy. “Julie has the benefit of knowing the [political] cabinet is fully supportive of her position,” he said. “It defines what’s permissible across the whole system.” 

The social media account ban for under-16s is the latest in a line of Australian laws that have upset U.S. tech companies. | Justin Sullivan/Getty Images
“If there is a lesson for the U.K., it is that you don’t have a strong regulator unless you have a strong political leader with a clear and consistent agenda,” Stone adds. 

“Australia has its anxieties, too, about pushing U.S. tech companies, but they carry themselves with confidence,” said Stone. “You have to approach Trump from a position of strength.” 

Rebecca Razavi, a former Australian diplomat, regulator and visiting fellow at the Oxford Internet Institute, agrees. “The thinking is, we’re a mid-sized economy and there’s this asymmetry with tech platforms dominating, and there’s actually a need to put things in place using an Australian approach to regulation,” she said. 

Other countries, including Brazil, Malaysia and some European countries are moving in a similar direction. Last month the European Parliament called for a continent-wide age restriction on social media. 

Slow down

Others are biding their time. 

The speed at which Australia’s social media ban was approved by parliament means that many of its pitfalls have not been explored, Razavi cautioned. 

The legislation passed through parliament last December in 19 days with cross-party and wide public support. “It was really fast,” she said. “There was a feeling that this is something that parents care about. There’s also a deep frustration that the tech companies are just taking too long to make the reforms that are needed.” 

But she added: “Some issues, such as how it works in practice, with age verification and data privacy are only being addressed now.” 

Lizzie O’Shea, a human rights lawyer and founder of campaign group Digital Rights Watch, agreed. “There was very little time for consultation and engagement,” she said. “There has then subsequently been a lot of concerns about implementation. I worry about experimenting on particularly vulnerable people.” 

For now, Britain and the world is watching to see if Australia’s new way to police social media delivers, or becomes an unworkable knee-jerk reaction. 

They don't give a shit about you.........

GOP moves to let Obamacare subsidies expire as Trump promises ‘money to the people’

As the president rails against insurance companies, other Republicans say allowing a subsidy lapse is “not acceptable.”

By Meredith Lee Hill and Benjamin Guggenheim

Republican leaders on Capitol Hill are moving decisively away from extending key Obamacare tax credits that help more than 20 million Americans pay for health insurance — following direct cues from President Donald Trump while also stoking ire among many in the GOP who fear severe political repercussions.

In a Monday interview with POLITICO, Trump refused to endorse a continuation of the expiring subsidies, even as his administration faces mounting pressure to address rising costs for Americans. He instead laid out his own vision for health care: “I want to give the money to the people, not to the insurance companies.”

Senate Republicans now plan to offer a proposal for a vote Thursday that would let the subsidies expire and instead encourage the use of health savings accounts. That abrupt shift in strategy is in turn putting new pressure on House GOP leaders to come up with their own health plan, according to four people who attended a closed-door meeting with Speaker Mike Johnson and senior Republicans Tuesday afternoon.

Yet after months of pressure from competing factions, lawmakers inside the meeting didn’t reach a conclusion and Johnson is still trying to figure out what that plan should be. House GOP staff Tuesday were prepping a health care framework to give Republicans something to vote on next week before they leave Washington for the holidays — one that, for now, does not include an extension of the enhanced Obamacare subsidies.

For many Republicans facing tough reelection races and even some in deep-red areas with a high reliance on the tax credits, following Trump’s one-sentence policy prescription would harm Americans and make for political disaster as the Dec. 31 expiration of the tax credits looms.

“We can agree that the current construct is flawed, but that letting them expire is not acceptable,” Rep. Brian Fitzpatrick (R-Pa.) said in an interview Tuesday. “That doesn’t work.”

Fitzpatrick is pushing a competing proposal that would extend the tax credits for two years while imposing an income cap and other eligibility restrictions. Fitzpatrick’s bill also includes new HSA provisions and a bipartisan package aimed at lowering drug costs, but he said it was unrealistic for GOP leaders to completely replace the subsidy framework in a matter of weeks.

“They can just dig themselves into an ideological corner all day long — it’s not fixing the problem,” Fitzpatrick added. “We can’t live in this fantasy land.”

But Johnson appears determined to cobble together a health care framework that will not include even a short-term extension of the subsidies, which can cut premiums for many families by $1,000 a year or more. He blindsided members of his own leadership circle and senior Republicans who have been involved in health care policy work when he announced last week his intentions to unveil a GOP health plan early this week and hold a vote before year’s end.

“What health care plan?” said one of the senior Republicans who has been involved in the talks and was granted anonymity to share a candid reaction to Johnson’s pledge.

Turning Johnson’s promise into legislation has been difficult. As of Tuesday evening, the House GOP framework centered on an expansion of health savings accounts and funding for cost-sharing reductions — a type of Obamacare subsidy meant to reduce out-of-pocket health costs, according to three people granted anonymity to describe the deliberations.

While the plan does not currently include a temporary subsidy extension, some senior House Republicans say it might still be on the table — including Rep. Lisa McClain of Michigan, the No. 4 GOP leader, who said she believed it was still an option as she left the health care meeting Tuesday.

It’s also still to be determined whether the plan will be offered up as a suite of individual bills or packaged together. But the goal is for GOP lawmakers to have “something” to vote on before the end of next week, according to one of the senior House Republicans involved in the talks — even if there is no time left for the Senate to pass it before the subsidies lapse.

GOP members will be briefed on the talks during their closed-door conference meeting Wednesday morning, according to three people granted anonymity to discuss internal planning. They will not be presented with a formal plan, they said.

The health care sprint also comes as Johnson faces down growing displeasure inside the GOP over his leadership style, where he has repeatedly sought to bulldoze internal dissent and march in lockstep with Trump. In this case, Johnson has so far sided with the bulk of his conference who want to see the Obamacare subsidies expire — even though some Trump aides have counseled that an extension would be politically prudent.

The White House was on the cusp of endorsing a two-year continuation of the subsidies just before Thanksgiving, but top Republicans on the Hill were not fully consulted first and moved to quash the idea — to the horror of many in the rank-and-file who favor an extension.

“I don’t think leadership understands just how upset people are,” said one House Republican who among several granted anonymity to speak frankly about internal conversations. “People are getting desperate.”

In fact, according to six other House GOP lawmakers and senior aides with direct knowledge, enough Republicans could sign a discharge petition that would sidestep Johnson and force a vote on extending the expiring subsidies. One of those House Republicans said they would be willing to support a discharge of Fitzpatrick’s legislation, which largely mirrors the White House trial balloon, or another bill from Rep. Jen Kiggans (R-Va.) and is waiting to see details of what Johnson proposes as an alternative.

“We shall see,” the lawmaker said.

Some in the GOP who support an extension have floated a short-term patch until Jan. 30 in order to buy some more time to come up with a deal. Many Republicans in the White House and on Capitol Hill believe that once the tax credits expire, there could be a chance to work out a wider health care deal next month that could tackle issues such as HSAs and drug prices.

While that argument has its merits on paper, people involved in the talks say a short-term punt wouldn’t make much sense for people trying to buy health insurance for the entire year and could create major logistical hassles.

One of the many problems is the White House itself isn’t providing any clear guidance amid all the internal divisions. The Trump administration itself has been and still is deeply divided about allowing the Obamacare tax credits to lapse, according to two administration officials and three senior House Republicans involved in the conversations.

“It depends on who you ask,” said a senior House Republican about the White House’s views on health care.

One White House official said Tuesday that “policy teams are looking at a lot of different avenues” and that “three weeks is actually a lot of time for a lot of stuff to come together.” However, both the House and Senate are set to adjourn for the holidays at the end of next week.

The Senate plan now set for a vote Thursday, from Sens. Bill Cassidy of Louisiana and Mike Crapo of Idaho, quickly won support inside the GOP this week amid fears that the party would look hapless if they did not put up an alternative to Democrats’ plan to extend the subsidies for three years.

But there are still plenty of lawmakers who are anxious about voting to upend the health care system with the deadline looming and no signals from the White House on what Trump would accept.

“There’s just not enough time to do a comprehensive bill,” one House Republican said, adding that the expiring subsidies will be “a problem for everyone” in the GOP.

Paints a grim picture

New poll paints a grim picture of a nation under financial strain

Rising costs are crushing Americans — and they're running out of room to adjust.

By Erin Doherty

Americans are struggling with affordability pressures that are squeezing everything from their everyday necessities to their biggest-ticket expenses.

Nearly half of Americans said they find groceries, utility bills, health care, housing and transportation difficult to afford, according to The POLITICO Poll conducted last month by Public First. The results paint a grim portrait of spending constraints: More than a quarter, 27 percent, said they have skipped a medical check-up because of costs within the last two years, and 23 percent said they have skipped a prescription dose for the same reason.

The strain is also reshaping how Americans spend their free time. More than a third — 37 percent — said they could not afford to attend a professional sports event with their family or friends, and almost half — 46 percent — said they could not pay for a vacation that involves air travel.

While President Donald Trump gave himself an “A-plus-plus-plus-plus-plus” grade on the economy during an exclusive interview with POLITICO’s Dasha Burns, the poll results underscore that voters’ financial anxieties have become deeply intertwined with their politics, shaping how they evaluate the White House’s response to rising costs.

Trump insists that “prices are all coming down,” as he told Burns, but the results pose a challenge for Trump and the Republican Party ahead of the 2026 midterms, with even some of the president’s own voters showing signs that their patience with high costs is wearing thin.

POLITICO reporters covering a variety of beats have spent the past few weeks poring over the poll results. We asked some of them to unpack the data for us and tell us what stood out most. Here’s what they said:

TARIFFS

The big observation: Trump has struggled to persuade even parts of his base to accept the idea that tariffs will pay off over time. A minority — 36 percent — of Trump voters said tariffs are hurting the economy now but will benefit the U.S. over time.

Even fewer said the strategy is already working: 22 percent of voters who cast their ballots for Trump in 2024 said tariffs are helping the U.S. economy both now and in the long term, according to the poll conducted in November.

What really stood out: Staunch supporters of the president were roughly twice as likely as other Republicans to believe tariffs are a net positive already, although large shares of both groups still said they view them as harmful. Even people who self-identify as MAGA Republicans were split on one of the president’s favorite tools: 27 percent of those MAGA voters said tariffs are boosting the economy both now and in the long term, while 21 percent of them said tariffs are damaging in both the short and long term.

What now? Tariffs represent more than an economic tool to the president, who argues the levies have helped him negotiate peace deals around the globe and nudged corporations to bring investment to American shores.

Trump has frequently urged Americans to be patient with his tariff strategy, much of which could be cut down by the Supreme Court in the coming months, but it remains a delicate political issue when a lot of voters may be more concerned about their everyday expenses rather than a broader global calculus.

– Ari Hawkins

COLLEGE COSTS

The big observation: The tuition is too damn high. Only a quarter of Americans think college is worth the money, regardless of party, The POLITICO Poll found. Overall, 62 percent of Americans said college isn’t worth it because it either costs too much or doesn’t provide enough benefits — a belief supported most by 18- to 24-year-olds and those aged 65 and up.

The income gap between Americans with college degrees and those with high school degrees widened over the last two decades. And recent research from the U.S. Census Bureau found the median income of households headed by someone with a bachelor’s degree or higher last year was more than double the median income of those with householders with a high school degree but no college.

What really stood out: Despite that economic divide, more than half of people surveyed who graduated from college supported the idea that higher education is either too expensive or not sufficiently useful.

What now? Both former President Joe Biden and Trump have tried to respond to this frustration, pitching efforts to boost technical education programs and federal support for professional degrees in lieu of 4-year universities.

The Trump administration has pressed universities to control their costs — attempting to tie those efforts to the schools’ access to federal funds — but also shed the student loan forgiveness programs Biden championed.

– Juan Perez Jr.

FOOD PRICES

The big observation: Trump attributed his 2024 victory over Biden partly to his pledge to bring down the cost of everyday goods like eggs. But a year later, Americans are more worried about being able to afford groceries than the rising cost of housing or health care, according to The POLITICO Poll.

Half of those surveyed said they find it difficult to pay for food. And a majority, 55 percent, blame the Trump administration for the high prices — even as the White House emphasizes its focus on affordability and the economy ahead of the midterm.

What really stood out: As affordability increasingly becomes a political flashpoint, with Democrats eager to seize on GOP vulnerabilities, a meaningful share of Trump’s own voters — 22 percent — blame the president for the high grocery costs.

What now? Balancing those concerns with a president who has put tariffs on goods imported from all over the world is a challenge for Trump’s administration — and an issue Democrats are certain to keep prodding.

– Rachel Shin

HOUSING

The big observation: Concerns about housing costs — which have represented a major share of inflation in recent years — eclipsed those for health care, utilities, commuting expenses and child care, The POLITICO Poll found.

Only grocery costs bested the issue across more than a dozen expenses when respondents were asked to identify the items they find “the most challenging” to afford. The high cost of housing is also coming through in other metrics: The median age of first-time homebuyers climbed to a record high of 40 this year, according to the National Association of Realtors.

What really stood out: The POLITICO Poll found that homebuying and rental costs were of particular concern for young and Hispanic adults, two constituencies whose support for Trump last year helped Republicans regain control of Washington. There’s also an interesting wrinkle among GOP voters. While only 10 percent of those who identified as MAGA Republicans believe the Trump administration is responsible for the housing costs they see as unfavorable (52 percent of them point to the Biden administration), that figure was three times higher for non-MAGA Republican respondents.

What now? Those surveyed spread the blame for high housing costs across the Trump and Biden administrations, state and local governments and private landlords. But it’s Republicans who have to protect their hold on Washington heading into the midterms while the president generally dismissed affordability this week as “a hoax that was started by Democrats.”

– Cassandra Dumay

HEALTH CARE COSTS

The big observation: Nearly half of American adults find it difficult to afford health care, according to The POLITICO Poll. Health care ranked as the No. 3 cost concern for respondents.

Democrats are pushing to extend pandemic-era enhanced Affordable Care Act premium tax credits, which are set to expire at the end of the year. If they end, prices will skyrocket for many Americans who buy insurance through the Obamacare marketplace. Democrats, who have struggled since Trump’s victory to coalesce around a campaign message, are banking on health care costs and other affordability concerns being a winning issue for them in the midterms.

What really stood out: The divide between MAGA and non-MAGA. While 84 percent of people who identified as MAGA Republicans said they trusted the GOP to bring down the cost of health care for everyday Americans (7 percent of which actually trusted the Democratic Party more on this issue), 49 percent of non-MAGA Republicans felt the same way. And nearly a quarter — 24 percent — of the non-MAGA respondents put their faith in Democrats on this issue.

What now? While poll respondents overall said they were more likely to trust Democrats to bring down health care costs, the overall split may not be concerning to Republicans running for reelection: 42 percent favored Democrats on the issue, compared with 33 percent favoring Republicans. The question becomes whether the non-MAGA Republicans can be persuaded to break ranks, or undecided voters are wooed.

Noem successors

Trump aides and allies float potential Noem successors as speculation grows over her tenure

Fox News contributor and former Utah Rep. Jason Chaffetz and Virginia Gov. Glenn Youngkin, whose term ends in January, are among the names being discussed.

By Myah Ward and Eric Bazail-Eimil

The White House says Secretary Kristi Noem isn’t going anywhere. That hasn’t stopped people from floating possible replacements.

Fox News contributor and former Utah Rep. Jason Chaffetz and Virginia Gov. Glenn Youngkin, whose term ends in January, are among the names being discussed inside the Trump administration and on the Hill as potential Noem successors, according to an administration official and two people close to the administration.

The conversations about potential replacements come amid heightened speculation that Noem’s days as a key executor of President Donald Trump’s mass deportations agenda may be numbered. There is increasing frustration with how she’s managed the agency, fear she’s bungled the billions of dollars in new funding her agency received this year from Republicans’ domestic policy and tax legislation. In addition, there are also concerns about Corey Lewandowski’s outsize role at DHS, and the tensions between Noem and Trump Border Czar Tom Homan about how to best execute the president’s immigration agenda.

This story is based on conversations with 17 people, including administration officials, people close to the White House, and lawmakers. Many were granted anonymity to discuss sensitive personnel issues.

“I’m hearing from people that she’s about to leave,” said one person close to the administration, who added that Noem wouldn’t be fired. The exit could be graceful, the person said, with Noem leaving for “another opportunity” and being able to say she’s succeeded at DHS.

Even as frustrations mount at the White House, a decision to remove her would ultimately have to come from Trump, who has repeatedly praised Noem in public for her leadership. And White House deputy chief of staff Stephen Miller told reporters Tuesday that he’s “thrilled with the job Secretary Noem is doing,” adding that her “track record as secretary of Homeland Security has been nothing short of extraordinary.”

White House spokesperson Abigail Jackson said Trump has “assembled the most talented and capable Cabinet in American history.”

“Secretary Noem is doing a great job implementing the president’s agenda and making America safe again,” she said. “Reports of her departing are Fake News. President Trump, Secretary Noem, and Tom Homan are all on the same page when it comes to implementing the President’s agenda and the results speak for themselves — the border is secure and deportations continue to increase.”

Noem also has defenders on Capitol Hill. Asked about her potential departure, Sen. Rick Scott (R-Fla.) insisted that “Kristi’s worked really hard.”

But the praise for Noem and denials that she is on her way out have done little to tame discussions among people inside and close to the administration, who believe Noem will exit DHS in the months ahead.

Immigration enforcement is one of the president’s most controversial domestic policies, and its ties to the use of the National Guard in U.S. cities have critics warning the administration is building a paramilitary police force. Noem has been the face of this policy and leaned into turning raids into made-for-TV productions, all of which has earned her scorn on the left. But her constant presence on television and penchant for live shots have also irked some in Trump’s orbit who see her as unserious and too focused on her 2028 ambitions, according to multiple administration officials and people close to the White House.

“She’s not doing this so she can get a cushy job on Fox News when she leaves,” said the administration official. “Her best shot is to get out on the campaign trail now, start lining up endorsements from governors and then use that to negotiate a role in the next administration — secretary of State, vice president.”

A second administration official said they would be shocked if Noem left by early January, but added that there is “definitely a belief” inside the department that she will leave at some point to launch a campaign for 2028. The official, like others, suggested that Noem has not indicated that she plans to exit anytime soon.

DHS spokesperson Tricia McLaughlin, when asked to comment on growing speculation about Noem’s political future, said “I can’t speak for the President, but I’ve seen more credible reporting on Bigfoot.”

Still, chatter about her departure has escalated in recent weeks, opening the door for others to position themselves to fill her role.

Chaffetz, who served as House Oversight Committee chair from January 2015 until he resigned in 2017, was engaged with DHS and had high-profile battles with Obama-era appointees. He’s a close ally of the president, a fierce advocate on Fox News, and regularly has discussions with senior administration officials about the implementation of Trump’s agenda, said one person close to the Trump administration.

Chaffetz did not respond to a request for comment.

“The policy implementation, numbers and communications aren’t where they should be at DHS. He knows that and has vast policy and oversight experience, not only on the central issue of immigration enforcement but also the complicated component agencies within the department,” the person said. “He covers a lot of bases for President Trump and senior officials. He enjoys close relationships with lawmakers on both sides of the Hill and is uniquely confirmable. I think that’s why it makes a lot of sense that his name keeps popping up in discussions about filling a post, particularly DHS.”

Youngkin, who is term-limited, has met with Trump immigration officials, according to one former ICE official. In a call with supporters before last month’s election, when Lt. Gov. Winsome Earl-Sears was defeated in a landslide, the Virginia governor praised Trump for cutting “trade deals, peace deals” and for bringing “huge investments back to the United States.”

“I know that you will always put America first,” Youngkin said on the call last month. Trump responded by calling Youngkin “one of the greatest governors in our country.”

A Youngkin spokesperson did not respond to a request for comment.

The role of Homeland Security secretary already had a reputation for being an unwieldy job. Whoever leads DHS is tasked with a sprawling remit that includes cybersecurity, immigration enforcement, disaster response, counterterrorism efforts, transportation security and the Secret Service.

Immigration has earned the role more partisan scrutiny: The House impeached Noem’s immediate predecessor, Alejandro Mayorkas, and Trump’s first term saw various people cycle through the challenging role.

Yet Noem’s tenure appears particularly precarious for a number of reasons, according to administration officials and people close to the White House. Noem already faced bipartisan criticism for cutting staffing at the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency, the nation’s main cyber agency housed under DHS, at a time when the country faces major digital threats. DHS under her leadership has also faced heat from both parties for the Federal Emergency Management Agency’s difficulties in disbursing federal relief to states following recent major natural disasters.

“We’ve had our issues with reimbursements around [Hurricane] Helene,” Sen. Thom Tillis (R-N.C.) said. “Mine is a very selfish perspective. You can never do it soon enough, but Homeland Security seems a little slow off the marks there” for disaster recovery.

And on immigration, there’s frustration inside the White House that Noem hasn’t moved quickly to spend dollars from Congress’ tax and domestic policy legislation, including deploying funds to expand detention space — instead focusing on partnerships with red state governors to open vacant prisons and facilities that ultimately provide less beds, according to multiple administration officials and people close to the White House.

This tension also emerged over the purchase of more planes for removal flights, with some inside the administration feeling that she “took too long,” the first administration official said. The official said ICE is expected to commit all funds doled out by the GOP megalaw by the end of the fiscal year, viewed by some internally as an effort to counter criticism that she hasn’t moved the money fast enough.

But some Trump officials are also concerned that other DHS contracts may draw scrutiny as Democrats seize on media reports about the agency’s spending, said the first administration official and one of the two people close to the White House.

For example, a ProPublica report documented how a firm with close ties to Noem’s political operation and some of her top aides was one beneficiary of a more than $200 million ad campaign to deter illegal immigration. A group of Senate Democrats has requested an investigation. McLaughlin told ProPublica, that “we don’t have visibility into why” the firm was chosen, and DHS told the publication that the agency “has no involvement with the selection of subcontractors.”

“There’s definitely some fishy stuff going on with money,” said the first administration official. “Whether or not it’s true — even just a rumor — optics are everything.”

Even some Senate Republicans were loath to defend her when asked about her future and her record leading the agency. Sen. Josh Hawley (R-Mo.) acknowledged that it’s been difficult to exercise oversight over DHS, but insisted that it was up to the president to decide whether Noem should stay.

Another factor that has made Noem’s tenure less stable is her rivalry with Homan, who has worked in numerous administrations since ICE was constituted. The two have had regular disagreements about how to execute the president’s immigration agenda, and both want to be perceived as the one in charge, said the first administration official, the two people close to the administration and a third person close to the White House.

“Her clashes with Tom Homan are a problem. The rivalry, neither wanting to be subordinate to the other,” said the first person close to the administration. “Their insistence on independence and on being the one running the show — or at least the one perceived to be running the show.”

Lewandowski’s ongoing influence at DHS has also continued to ruffle feathers. As chief adviser to the secretary, former and current administration officials have questioned how he’s counting his days at the agency — given he was originally tapped as a special governmental employee, a temporary role that is supposed to be limited to 130 days per year of unpaid work. He is regularly seen alongside Noem at events and on travel, and has been involved in green-lighting six-figure contracts at the agency. Democrats on the House Oversight Committee have been hyperfocused on Lewandowski’s role and have sent letters to the administration, calling for the release of Lewandowski’s financial disclosures.

The rest of the political calendar seems unlikely to ease any of Noem’s political woes. The secretary is slated to testify Thursday before the House Homeland Security Committee for its annual hearing on worldwide threats. Democrats are expected to raise a litany of issues before the secretary, from the ways in which ICE officers have carried out immigration enforcement operations to allegations that Noem and other top DHS officials have benefited from federal contracts.

Senate Democrats want Noem to testify in the coming weeks as well.

“There’s certainly no shortage of problems with the management of DHS, and I think it has been mismanaged in all sorts of areas,” said Sen. Gary Peters (D-Mich.), the top Democrat on the Senate Homeland Security Committee. “Somebody has to be held accountable for it.”