Doesn’t Understand

What Trump Doesn’t Understand About Putin

There’s no point in trying to convince the Russian leader to abandon his obsession with Ukraine.

By Nahal Toosi

Russian leader Vladimir Putin looks increasingly cornered.

The Ukrainians just staged a stunning drone attack on strategic bombers in far-flung Russian air bases. Putin’s battered troops are struggling to gain significant territory in Ukraine, and the frontline has barely shifted in two years. His economy is a mixed bag, with inflation slowing growth and other danger signs flashing. President Donald Trump, who has long admired Putin’s brash leadership style, is now questioning the Russian leader’s sanity and urging him to “STOP!” his attacks on Ukraine. And U.S. lawmakers are mulling a heavy new sanctions and tariffs package aimed at Moscow — the type one senator describes as “bone-crushing.”

Given all these challenges, why won’t Putin abandon his goal of conquering Ukraine? I have been asking former U.S. officials versions of this question in recent days. Finally, I realized it’s the wrong question — and the wrong way to think about this whole war.

Putin will never abandon his ambition of conquering Ukraine, and convincing him to do so shouldn’t be the aim of Ukraine’s global supporters. Instead, the goal should be to make it impossible for Putin to fulfill that ambition. In simpler terms: You can’t make Putin walk away from Ukraine; you have to put Ukraine out of his reach.

Trump and some of his top aides do not seem to understand this about Putin. They’ve sent mixed signals about their views of Russia’s strongman, with Trump acting as if the carrots of economic deals and Truth Social posts can sway him.

With new sanctions on the table, many Russia watchers hope Trump will seize the moment to show Putin that even if he can’t control his ambitions, he can make it too painful for Putin to achieve them. But those same analysts warned that new sanctions alone won’t make Putin back down. Neither will continued military aid to Ukraine, nor tough-talking posts on social media.

Showing Putin that he absolutely cannot subsume Ukraine will require all these tactics and more. It will also require patience.

“That’s why you do these missions, like Ukraine taking out some of their strategic bombers. That hurts. It’s expensive,” said Andrea Kendall-Taylor, a former U.S. intelligence official. “Can we impose enough costs that he eventually says, ‘I cannot do this indefinitely?’”

I’m not the first person to posit that Putin will never change his belief that Ukraine belongs to Russia. Putin’s own writings make clear that he’s convinced Kyiv must be under Russia’s thumb if Moscow wants to achieve new heights on the global stage. Former Secretary of State Antony Blinken suggested Putin’s view is “theological.” One analyst has argued that the West’s best strategy on the war may require waiting until Putin dies.

A White House official, in response to a request for comment from the administration, told me Trump “has always been tough on Putin.” The official, whom was granted anonymity to discuss sensitive diplomatic issues, added: “This president’s foreign policy is unique in that he can be tough on our adversaries, but he is simultaneously able to look anyone in the eye to try to deliver peace.”

But many of Trump’s words and actions indicate that he has limited appreciation for how hard-core Putin is about pursuing Ukraine.

During the campaign, Trump declared numerous times that he could end the war in his first 24 hours back in office — a claim that he now says was in jest but which nonetheless cast Putin as easy to persuade. In the months since, the president has seemed bewildered that Putin isn’t easing up on Ukraine. Trump recently said, with a tone of surprise, that the Russian leader has gone “absolutely CRAZY.” Trump also seems frustrated with Putin’s lack of seriousness in ceasefire talks.

The tough talk from Trump is striking given his past efforts to win Putin over. But his methods are not always consistent. Trump came across as passive in a social media post Wednesday after speaking to Putin, saying the Russian made it clear he’d have to retaliate against the Ukraine drone strikes. “It was a good conversation, but not a conversation that will lead to immediate Peace,” Trump wrote, not saying if he’d urged Putin to avoid escalation.

Comments and moves by others in the administration also suggest a lack of clarity about the Kremlin boss, who first invaded Ukraine more than a decade ago.

Vice President JD Vance’s dismissal of Ukrainian concerns that Putin will not uphold a peace deal — most famously in that awkward Oval Office meeting in February with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy — indicates that he doesn’t fully grasp the depth of Putin’s desires. It also likely boosted Russian confidence that its efforts to drive wedges between Washington and its allies, including Ukraine and the European Union, are working.

Secretary of State Marco Rubio’s assertion that the United States may simply walk away from trying to resolve the crisis didn’t exactly help Kyiv, either. It suggests the U.S. lacks patience and that the Russians should forge ahead in seeking a decisive edge in the war. And if there’s one thing Putin believes he has on his side, it’s time.

What exactly is Putin’s breaking point, or the point at which he’ll give up on taking over Ukraine?

“This kind of stuff — it’s very hard to quantify. It’s the psychology of one man,” Eddie Fishman, a former State Department official who dealt with Russia sanctions, told me.

Some of these Russia specialists said Putin is likely aware of the concept of “TACO Trump” — the “Trump Always Chickens Out” notion that’s swept Wall Street and other realms. Trump’s policy inconsistency and his frequent backtracking, such as on tariffs, may suggest to Putin that the U.S. president will try to drive a hard bargain but ultimately cave, giving Moscow wiggle room.

The sanctions bill is a test of sorts for Trump and whether he truly understands Putin’s mindset. It has garnered support from the majority of U.S. senators and includes harsh provisions aimed at choking off Russia’s last major source of income: its energy exports. The legislation would impose 500 percent tariffs on countries that continue buying Russian oil, gas, uranium and other materials.

It’s questionable whether the 500 percent figure will survive talks between the White House and Capitol Hill. The tariffs would land on major U.S. trading partners in Europe, China and India and wreak havoc on the global economy. Still, whatever version of the bill survives could deal a major blow to Russia.

If Trump signs the bill, the Kremlin should worry because it will mean he’s not afraid to escalate things with Moscow. But if he signs the bill and then delays, waives or otherwise doesn’t enforce the sanctions and tariffs involved, Putin will believe Trump is backing down yet again and that he can take advantage of the American leader’s capriciousness.

If Trump also fails to take other meaningful steps to help Ukraine, especially on the military aid front, it could further boost Putin’s confidence that he and his troops can ultimately overpower Kyiv.

Of course, the Kremlin chief could still agree to peace talks — he already has, in a way, though he tends to send powerless underlings to the sessions in his place. Those motions seem to be about buying time with Trump, a self-styled dealmaking expert who is eager for a compromise. Even if Putin agrees to a sustained ceasefire or other type of pause in the fighting, Russia analysts I spoke to believe he’ll use the downtime to regroup and eventually make another move against Kyiv.

One Trump tactic unlikely to work on Putin is promising him economic deals, should he come to terms with Ukraine. To be fair, Putin himself has raised this prospect in a bid to get sanctions relief from Trump, who largely sees the world through a business lens.

The reality is that the Russian economy has been transformed since the February 2022 full-scale invasion of Ukraine. It is now heavily fueled by the war itself. There are signs that this cannot go on forever, but it has continued longer than many Western officials and analysts predicted.

Putin is also likely aware that even if Trump were to lift all U.S. sanctions on Russia, American businesses are unlikely to jump into the Russian market anytime soon. There are too many risks, including the possibility that a future U.S. president could reimpose the sanctions. Besides, European sanctions are likely to remain in place.

“Given sanctions and export controls that need to be lifted, not to mention the reputational risk and the operating environment in Russia, it’s hard to see that Western companies would be rushing to go back to that market,” Randi Levinas, a former chief operating officer of the now-dissolved U.S.-Russia Business Council, told me.

Putin is in a corner. But while everyone is watching him, he’s still got his eye on Ukraine — all of Ukraine.