A place were I can write...

My simple blog of pictures of travel, friends, activities and the Universe we live in as we go slowly around the Sun.



April 30, 2024

Political violence

Trump doesn’t rule out political violence if he loses, and other takeaways from his Time interview

By Steve Contorno and Kate Sullivan

Former President Donald Trump wouldn’t dismiss the potential for political violence from his supporters if he isn’t elected in November, suggesting it would depend on the outcome of the presidential race.

“I don’t think we’re going to have that,” the presumptive GOP nominee told Time magazine. “I think we’re going to win. And if we don’t win, you know, it depends. It always depends on the fairness of an election.”

The remarks came in a wide-ranging interview with the magazine that published Tuesday. The conversation, which took place over two sessions earlier this month, also touched on abortion and Israel Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s contentious leadership, among other topics.

Here are four takeaways from the interview:

Trump’s baseless election conspiracies fuel his refusal to dismiss future violence and promise of January 6 pardons

Speaking to Time at his Mar-a-Lago club in Florida, Trump at first downplayed the likelihood of political violence similar to the January 6, 2021, attack on the US Capitol.

“I think we’re gonna have a big victory. And I think there will be no violence,” said Trump, who, after his 2020 defeat, assembled his supporters in Washington ahead of the attack, and then at first refused to call for them to leave the US Capitol grounds.

But pressed by the magazine in a later phone interview, Trump was less definitive about the future. Instead, he continued to push false 2020 election conspiracies, which he suggested provoked the violent mob.

“I don’t believe they’ll be able to do the things that they did the last time,” Trump said.

Throughout his political career, Trump has regularly refused to accept the results of an election or commit to a conceding defeat. After finishing second in the Iowa caucuses in 2016, Trump accused Texas Sen. Ted Cruz of fraud and called for a new contest. Later, while facing Democrat Hillary Clinton, Trump baselessly claimed the election he eventually won was “rigged” and repeatedly refused to say whether he would abide by the outcome. He again avoided a commitment heading into the 2024 election.

These repeated denials provoked Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis during the Republican primary to predict that Trump wouldn’t accept the results of the 2024 Iowa caucuses if he lost. (Trump ultimately won Iowa by a resounding margin.)

In his interview, Trump also doubled down on his promise to pardon the hundreds of people sentenced for crimes committed stemming from January 6. Trump has called these individuals “hostages,” though many have pleaded guilty to violent crimes or have been convicted by juries.

During an exchange on the issue, Time asked: “Will you consider pardoning every one of them?”

Trump replied, “I would consider that, yes.”

Time: “You would?”

Trump: “Yes, absolutely.”

The pitfalls of Trump’s latest abortion position are laid bare

Trump’s remarks in the interview on abortion were illustrative of the limitations – and potential political pitfalls – of his stated desire to punt the future of access to state legislatures and voters.

He refused to say whether he would veto a federal abortion ban, insisting such a measure was unlikely to happen, despite previously saying he wouldn’t sign a federal abortion ban if he were reelected and one came to his desk. And asked by Time whether he was “comfortable” if states punish women who undergo abortions where it’s banned, Trump didn’t object.

“I don’t have to be comfortable or uncomfortable,” Trump said. “The states are going to make that decision. The states are going to have to be comfortable or uncomfortable, not me.”

Earlier this month, Trump similarly said he would let states decide if doctors who perform illegal abortions should be punished.

As a candidate in 2016, Trump said there “has to be some form of punishment” for women getting an illegal abortion – a position his campaign walked back almost immediately.

President Joe Biden’s campaign immediately seized on Trump’s latest remarks.

“Donald Trump’s latest comments leave little doubt: if elected he’ll sign a national abortion ban, allow women who have an abortion to be prosecuted and punished, allow the government to invade women’s privacy to monitor their pregnancies, and put IVF and contraception in jeopardy nationwide,” Biden campaign manager Julie Chavez Rodriguez said Tuesday. “The horrific and devastating stories in states like Florida, Texas and Arizona with extreme abortion bans unleashed by Trump overturning Roe are just the beginning if he wins.”

Trump also ducked behind states when asked whether governments should monitor pregnancies to track whether a woman has an abortion.

“I think they might do that,” Trump said. “Again, you’ll have to speak to the individual states.”

Yet, Trump’s preference for the states to decide didn’t stop him from criticizing Florida’s new six-week ban as “too severe.” The law will take effect Wednesday, though voters in the Sunshine State – including Trump – will have an opportunity in November to decide whether to approve new protections that would guarantee abortion access until viability.

Trump, though, declined to share how he would vote.

“I don’t tell you what I’m gonna vote for,” he said.

Trump rekindles criticism of Netanyahu

In the aftermath of the October 7 attack on Israel by Hamas, Trump lashed out at Netanyahu and blamed the embattled Israeli prime minister for perceived security lapses that failed to stop the deadly incursion. The remarks drew widespread rebukes from Trump’s Republican primary rivals and even some supporters on Capitol Hill and advisers who bristled at the timing of the recriminations of an ally.

Though he remained noticeably uncommitted to supporting Israel’s military response, Trump withheld more public attacks of Netanyahu. But six months into the war between Israel and Hamas – and amid intensifying outrage at home and abroad over Israel’s treatment of Palestinians – Trump stepped up his criticism of the prime minister once again.

Trump told Time that Netanyahu “rightfully has been criticized for what took place on October 7” and declined to stand by him when asked whether he should be replaced as prime minister.

Instead, Trump – still aggrieved that Netanyahu allegedly “dropped out” of the US-backed military operation that led to the killing of Iranian general Qasem Soleimani – noted the Hamas attack “happened on his watch.”

Trump also said a future two-state solution between Israel and the Palestinians is “going to be very, very tough,” though he didn’t articulate his idea for a path forward.

“You had a lot of people that liked the idea four years ago,” Trump said. “Today, you have far fewer people that like that idea.”

Tepid calls for Wall Street Journal reporter’s release

It took some prodding, but Trump for the first time said that Wall Street Journal reporter Evan Gershkovich “should be released” after a year of detainment in Russia.

Asked why he hadn’t previously called for Gershkovich’s release, Trump said: “I guess because I have so many other things I’m working on.”

The tepid support for Gershkovich, an American journalist detained on an espionage charge that The Journal and US authorities have said is baseless, is reminiscent of Trump’s past refusal to forcefully condemn a foreign leader for their treatment of a perceived political enemy.

Earlier this year, Trump remained silent for days after Russian opposition leader Alexey Navalny died in Russian prison even as other world leaders swiftly and forcefully condemned the Kremlin. When Trump finally did publicly weigh in, he still did not condemn Russia or President Vladimir Putin, instead baselessly suggesting that he was being politically persecuted in the same way Navalny was. Trump later called Navalny “very brave” and said it was a “very sad situation.”

When journalist Jamal Khashoggi was murdered in 2018, Trump declined to condemn Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, despite the CIA concluding the ruler authorized the brutal murder. Trump said he was “extremely angry and very unhappy” about Khashoggi’s murder, but said “nobody has directly pointed a finger” at the crown prince. In addition to the CIA’s conclusion, a United Nations report later also implicated bin Salman.

Getting fucked in court...

After AMI-McDougal deal was signed, Davidson said he would let ABC know she wanted to keep story quiet

From CNN's Kara Scannell, Lauren Del Valle, Jeremy Herb and Kaitlan Collins

Days after the contract was signed but before AMI wired McDougal the money, Davidson texted Howard -- I'm going to let ABC know that Karen has decided to keep her story quiet.

"I'm going to let them know that the family has begged and pleaded with her not to come out and that she has promised her family she wouldn't. I will have Karen ignore all of their calls. Any objection?

“I needed to sort of off-board ABC,” Davidson testified.

Davidson: "Stormy Daniels was a client of mine"

"Stormy Daniels was a client of mine," Keith Davidson says.

Donald Trump has his lips pursed and briefly glanced over at Davidson as he begins answering questions about how he knows Stormy Daniels.

Davidson says there are 2 explanations for why AMI would buy McDougal's story without running it
Davidson says there were two explanations for why AMI would buy McDougal's story without planning to run it.

The first was they were trying to build up her brand and that story would not help it. The second was more of an "unspoken understanding," Davidson said.

"I think one explanation that was given was that they were trying to build Karen into a brand and didn’t want to diminish her reputation. And second was more of an unspoken understanding that there was a close affiliation between David Pecker and Donald Trump and that AMI would not run this story or any story related to Karen and Donald Trump because it would tend to hurt Donald Trump."

Davidson says he received 45% of the $150,000 deal

Keith Davidson says he received 45% of the $150,000 deal.

Steinglass shows jury text messages were sent same day as effective date for AMI's contract with McDougal

Steinglass is showing the jury that the text messages were sent the same day as the effective date of AMI's contract with McDougal.

Davidson says Donald Trump was Cohen's client in the McDougal deal — even though he was not named

Prosecutors are now showing Keith Davidson's email to Michael Cohen on August 5, 2016, asking Cohen to call him.

"I called him to let him know as a professional courtesy that the deal involving his client closed," Davidson testified.

Prosecutor Joshua Steinglass asked him, who was Cohen's client. "Donald Trump," Davidson said.

Donald Trump was not a named party to the deal, Davidson said, but also added he recognized the benefit this deal with former Playboy model Karen McDougal would serve Trump.

Davidson testifies about his reluctance to call Cohen

AMI General Counsel Cameron Stracher suggested Davidson call Cohen.

Davidson texted Dylan Howard:

"he wants me to call Cohen. U think that’s ok? Ive been trying like hell to avoid that."

Davidson says that "even when we spoke," he and AMI's general counsel "still weren’t on the same page." He explains this was why Strachter told him to call Cohen.

Davidson testified "I thought it was odd" that he was told to call Cohen.

Davidson says he didn't want to talk to Cohen because of his last conversation with Cohen in 2011 around the blog post. He said it was "not pleasant or constructive. I didn’t particularly like dealing with him and that’s why I was trying like hell to avoid talking to him."

"Ok we are paying," Howard texted Davidson on August 8, 2016. "Glad it all sorted."

"F**ken Jesus," Howard texted.

Davidson testified, "I think it was just a frustrating deal for everybody involved." It was a lot of "heavy lifting."

"Yes, I believe so. I told Cohen this never would've happened without you," Davidson responded to Howard.

"He's hopeless. Oh well. Another one done!" Howard responded.

Davidson describes "growing frustration" around McDougal deal

Testifying about 2016 texts surrounding the discussion around the Karen McDougal deal, Keith Davidson described "growing frustration."

"On my side of the aisle there was growing frustration with process," Davidson testified.

"It was difficult to red-line something that didn’t even closely resemble" the deal points that had initially been reached, Davidson added.

Puppy killer...

Kristi Noem shot her ‘untrainable’ dog. If she thought we’d be impressed by her toughness, she was wrong

Opinion by Dean Obeidallah

“If you want a friend in Washington, get a dog,” goes the famous line attributed to late President Harry Truman. And if you do get that dog, be sure to keep it far from GOP South Dakota Gov. Kristi Noem, who reportedly brags in her new book about an incident some two decades ago when she shot her 14-month-old puppy named Cricket because the dog was “untrainable.”

Noem — a top contender to be former President Donald Trump’s running mate in this year’s presidential election — reportedly writes in her book that she took the pup, a wirehaired pointer who was proving to be high-spirited and something of a handful, to a gravel pit and shot him.

How did this cruel and horrifying act come to light? Noem was not confronted by an investigative reporter with a “gotcha” question, nor was she outed in a social media post. No, according to The Guardian, the South Dakota governor wrote about the incident herself in her book “No Going Back: The Truth on What’s Wrong with Politics and How We Move America Forward.” The Guardian wrote that it obtained a copy ahead of the book’s publication next month.

Not surprisingly, the report about Noem killing the dog has led to a furor in the media and on the internet. Amid the public outcry, which came not just from liberals but from conservatives as well, she stoutly defended her decision to shoot the dog, writing on social media, “We love animals, but tough decisions like this happen all the time on a farm.”

Noem then used the controversy to peddle her book, writing, “If you want more real, honest, and politically INcorrect stories that’ll have the media gasping, preorder ‘No Going Back’” – including a link to order the book.

I found the passage of “No Going Back” in which Noem describes killing Cricket revolting, and I imagine most people among the estimated 65 million households that own a dog (and many who don’t) feel the same way.

A 2023 Pew poll found that 97% of people with pets view them as a member of the family. That, however, apparently was not how Noem viewed Cricket, writing in the book that she “hated” the rambunctious puppy. Noem said she considered the pup “less than worthless” after she ruined a pheasant hunt by going “out of her mind with excitement, chasing all those birds and having the time of her life.”

Later that day, after the pooch escaped Noem’s car (which many of us would view as a failure by the humans, not the canine) Cricket killed a local farmer’s chickens and then bit Noem when she tried to restrain him. That, Noem wrote, was the last straw. As she wrote in the excerpt published in The Guardian, “At that moment, I realized I had to put her down.” A short time later, she said, she led Cricket to the gravel pit.

South Dakota Gov. Kristi Noem defends book excerpt where she describes killing dog and goat
Noem went on to write that her daughter, upon returning from school, inquired as to where the dog was: “Kennedy looked around confused,” Noem writes of her daughter, who asked: “Hey, where’s Cricket?” The excerpt shared by The Guardian does not include what Noem told her daughter, but the GOP governor boasted that the killing of Cricket — as well as shooting a goat she owned that same day because he was “nasty and mean” — was proof that she was willing to do the “difficult, messy and ugly” tasks of life — and presumably politics as well.

Perhaps Noem included the tale of shooting Cricket in her book because she had read reports of how Trump did not like the beloved pets that bring joy to millions. As Trump’s late wife Ivana wrote in her memoir “Raising Trump,” “Donald was not a dog fan.” She noted Trump’s hostility to her poodle, Chappy, who would “bark at him territorially.” (At least one study does suggest that dogs are a good judge of character, so perhaps Chappy was right to bark!)

Trump’s antipathy to our four-legged friends may explain why he was the first president in 120 years not to have a pet dog in the White House. Dog-owning by our presidents is a tradition that goes back to George Washington, who owned two American foxhounds. Ever since our first president, most occupants of the White House from both parties have been dog owners, including Abraham Lincoln, who owned a friendly mutt named Fido, and Barack Obama, who had a pair of Portuguese water dogs, Sunny and Bo. Of course, President Joe Biden also has a pet dog — although Commander has not been the best-behaved dog at times. He’s been said to have bitten at least two dozen Secret Service agents over the years, and yet no one has suggested that he deserves capital punishment for that misbehavior.

Trump was a rare exception in not being a dog owner, even telling his supporters at a 2019 rally that having a pet dog in the White House would feel “a little phony.” Given that history, assuming she knew about Trump’s antipathy to dogs, maybe Noem thought that the story of shooting Cricket would give her a bit of an edge as the GOP’s apparent presidential nominee chooses his running mate.

My own hypothesis, however, is that she possibly thought that telling the story would endear her to a certain breed of heartless Republican, convincing them of her toughness. If that was Noem’s calculation, she might have made a grave miscalculation. She might herself be coming to that conclusion. Writing on X on Sunday, Noem seemed to take a softer tone about the decision to put down her dog.

“I can understand why some people are upset about a 20 year old story of Cricket, one of the working dogs at our ranch, in my upcoming book — No Going Back. The book is filled with many honest stories of my life, good and bad days, challenges, painful decisions, and lessons learned,” Noem wrote.

“The fact is, South Dakota law states that dogs who attack and kill livestock can be put down,” she added. “Given that Cricket had shown aggressive behavior toward people by biting them, I decided what I did.”

We’ll see if that explanation helps to quell the public indignation. After all, people of all political persuasions are rightly disgusted by cruelty to animals, even if they don’t always treat their fellow humans with the respect and dignity they deserve.

Unfortunately, most people think ethnicity is race. It's not... Hispanic? You're white...

The next Census could reveal a very different America

By Cristian Arroyo-Santiago

If you’re a self-identified Hispanic or Latino, or a Middle Eastern or North African (MENA) person in the US, chances are that every 10 years answering the Census gives you pause. More specifically, you might have been challenged to answer the race question, which, at least until the last Census in 2020, included five categories: White, Black or African American, American Indian or Alaska Native, Asian and Hawaiian or Pacific Islander.

According to 2020 Census Bureau data, of the 54.6 million Americans who reported that they identify as Hispanic or Latino, 43.6% either did not respond to the race question or responded by selecting the “Some Other Race” option, a category that’s not federally recognized. As for the 3.5 million MENA people in the country, they are are classified as White – a racial category many don’t see themselves represented by.

Now, the standards for maintaining, collecting and presenting data on race and ethnicity (Statistical Policy Directive No. 15) in the federal government, as set by the Office of Management and Budget (OMB), are about to undergo the biggest change in almost 30 years after a revision announced late last month. The two most controversial changes are the introduction of a combined question for race and ethnicity and the addition of two categories — MENA and Hispanic or Latino — as possible answers to that single question. Until this change, people could select “Hispanic or Latino” as an ethnicity but couldn’t designate it as their race.

The announcement has been embraced by some and criticized by others within and outside the affected communities. It has the potential to significantly change how the population of the US is viewed and to help shape government policy in new ways.

These standards not only apply to the decennial census but to the American Community Survey and all federal agencies’ surveys and administrative forms. The OMB said the Office of the US Chief Statistician is leading these efforts “to help agencies collect and release data under these updated standards as quickly as possible.”

How will the fat fucks get their boner pills???

Walmart will close all of its health care clinics

By Nathaniel Meyersohn

Walmart, the largest retailer in the United States, will close all 51 of its health care centers in six states and end virtual health care services, the company said Tuesday.

Walmart had made a big push into health care in recent years, opening clinics next to its superstores that offered primary and urgent care, labs, X-rays, behavioral health and dental work — Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Illinois, Missouri and Texas. Walmart believed it could use its massive financial scale and store base to offer convenient, low-cost services to patients in rural and underserved areas that lacked primary care options.

But the announcement is an abrupt reversal in Walmart’s strategy and may leave a gap in health care access, particularly for lower-income patients without insurance who relied on the centers. Walmart also said it will end virtual health care services.

Walmart said it was a “difficult decision,” but its health care push was not profitable for the company because of the “challenging reimbursement environment and escalating operating costs.”

“We determined there is not a sustainable business model for us to continue,” the company said.

Mehrotra said Walmart’s closures reflect the challenges for primary care providers in the United States. A shortage of up to 55,000 primary care physicians is expected in the next decade, according to the Association of American Medical Colleges.

“This experience highlights the financial struggles that primary care has in general. It really speaks to what primary clinics are facing,” he said.

Walmart said it will continue operating its 4,600 pharmacies and more than 3,000 optical centers around the country.

Walmart’s health push

Walmart opened clinics to try to fill a gap for its customers without health insurance, as well as people who have insurance plans with high deductibles and out-of-pocket costs.

“Health care looks like a big opportunity,” Walmart CEO Doug McMillion said in 2020, shortly after the first clinics opened.

Soaring costs and access to primary care options remain persistent challenges, especially in rural areas. Walmart chose some of its locations because the areas had higher rates of chronic disease and fewer primary care physicians than average US communities.

Marcus Osborne, Walmart’s former vice president of health and wellness transformation, told CNN in 2020 that people who came into the clinics often had not seen a primary care physician in two or three years, or a dentist in five years.

Walmart faced several challenges with its health clinics, including a shortage of medical workers, said Robert Field, a professor of health management and policy at Drexel University.

Walmart’s closures show that strength in retail does not always translate into health care, he said.

“It is different from selling products, like toothpaste and breakfast cereal, and requires different kinds of expertise and management,” Field said.

Trial shit...

Trump's reposts were endorsements, judge says

From CNN's Eric Levenson

In last week’s hearing on gag order violations, Trump’s defense made two key arguments in his favor: (1) Reposts of other people’s words do not violate the gag order, and (2) the posts represent protected political speech in response to attacks.

Judge Juan Merchan rejected both arguments in his contempt ruling Tuesday.

First, he found that reposts are, in this case, endorsements. “There can be no doubt whatsoever, that Defendant's intent and purpose when reposting, is to communicate to his audience that he endorses and adopts the posted statement as his own,” he wrote.

Second, Merchan acknowledged that the gag order does allow Trump to respond to political attacks, but said criticisms of key witnesses were not allowed.

“To allow such attacks upon protected witnesses with blanket assertions that they are all responses to ‘political attacks’ would be an exception that swallowed the rule. The Expanded Order does not contain such an exception,” he wrote.

Former Cohen banker testifies he wouldn't have opened account for shell company

Gary Farro is testifying that had he known Essential Consultants was a shell company and not an operating business, he would not have opened the account for Michael Cohen.

"If client told me it was a shell corporation, it would not have been opened. It would give me pause very frankly," Farro says.
The only type of shell corporation he would open would be for a mortgage to remain anonymous, he explains.

Farro confirms that Cohen never told him the account was being opened for political activity.

Farro adds that if any account was associated with an entity flagged on a Office of Foreign Assets Control list, the bank would automatically deny the request.

We need less people not more! But giving great deals to developers is not going to let us live better, just pack more people into a smaller space.

After decades of inaction, states are finally stepping up on housing

The affordability crisis is forcing politicians’ hands.

By Rachel M. Cohen

For years, the easiest thing to do about building new housing was nothing.

The federal government largely deferred to state and local governments on matters of land use, and states mostly deferred to local governments, which typically defer to their home-owning constituents who back restrictive zoning laws that bar new construction.

That’s slowly changing as the housing supply crisis ripples across the country. Experts say the US is short somewhere between 3.8 million and 6.8 million homes, and most renters feel priced out of the idea of homeownership altogether. The lack of affordable housing is causing homelessness to rise.

In Washington, DC, Congress has held more hearings on housing affordability recently than it has in decades, and President Joe Biden has been ramping up attention on the housing crisis, promising to “build, build, build” to “bring housing costs down for good.”

But it’s at the state level where some of the most consequential change is taking place.

Over the last five years, Republican and Democratic legislators and governors in a slew of states have looked to update zoning codes, transform residential planning processes, and improve home-building and design requirements. Some states that have stepped up include Oregon, Florida, Montana, and California, as well as states like Utah and Washington. This year, Maryland, New York, and New Jersey passed state-level housing legislation, and Colorado may soon follow suit.

Not all state-level bills have been equally ambitious in addressing the supply crisis, and not all states have been successful at passing new laws, especially on their first few tries. And some states have succeeded in passing housing reform one year, only to strike out with additional bills the next. Real housing reform requires iterative and sustained legislative attention; it almost never succeeds with just one bill signing.

Trying to determine why exactly a housing reform bill passes or fails on the state level can be difficult, though advocates say it certainly helps when a governor or other powerful state lawmaker invests time and political capital in mobilizing stakeholders together. Given that housing challenges are not spread equally across a state, sometimes it can be hard to decide whether to pass statewide laws that apply equally to all communities or to pass more targeted legislation aimed only at certain areas.

Partly due to pressure from voters and from more organized pro-housing activists, legislative trends are starting to emerge. More states and housing experts are thinking not only about passing laws to boost housing production, but also about how best to enforce those laws, close loopholes, and demand compliance.

States can make it easier to build more housing in a wider variety of places

While states typically grant local communities a lot of discretion in land use policy, more lawmakers are realizing that balance may have tilted too far.

As researchers with the Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis outlined last fall, some states are now looking to increase housing production by enabling more multifamily housing and accessory dwelling units (ADUs) to be built without having developers first seek approval from local planning agencies or elected boards. This accelerated construction process is known as building “by right.”

For example, Oregon passed a law in 2019 allowing fourplexes (a multifamily home that typically houses four families under one roof) to be built anywhere in large cities and for duplexes to be built anywhere in mid-size cities. Before, a developer would have needed to seek special permission to build such housing.

States like Utah and Massachusetts are incentivizing the construction of new multifamily housing near public transit, while states like California and Florida are making it easier to build residential housing in places zoned for retail. Other states, like Maine and Vermont, are making it easier to build ADUs, which are second (and smaller) residential units on the same plot of land as one’s primary residence, like apartments or converted garages.

State lawmakers sometimes impose new rules on localities to adjust their housing planning requirements, which can mean lowering the barriers builders must go through to begin construction or incentivizing cities to set more ambitious targets for production. Sometimes it means easing requirements like minimum lot sizes or parking spot mandates.

Not all state-level bills will move the needle on the housing crisis

Under pressure to do something about the housing crisis, some state lawmakers are advancing bills that allow politicians to claim they’re taking action, although the legislation itself is weak and unlikely to make big dents on the various problems. Some bills may even make affordability issues worse over the long term.

For example, after failing to pass housing reform last year, lawmakers in New York came together again this year to push something through. Democratic Gov. Kathy Hochul and her allies in the state legislature are cheering their recently agreed-upon housing package, which includes tenant protections and incentives to spur new construction, but experts and activists say it lacks real ambitious zoning and production measures and will be unlikely to drive new affordability.

Likewise in Maryland, Democratic politicians are cheering the passage of a new statewide housing reform package that includes renter protections and incentives to spur new affordable and dense development, though Yes-In-My-Backyard pro-housing advocates concede they do not expect the legislation to create much new housing, at least in the near term. Still, given that it was housing advocates’ first real attempt at passing statewide legislation in Maryland, they are hailing it as an impressive first step.

“This is the first time the Maryland legislature overrode local zoning in a pro-housing way, and I would say this is a surprisingly drastic shift from the status quo even though it’s not enough,” said Tom Coale, a housing lobbyist in Maryland.

When it comes to state-level housing reform, implementation and compliance matter

Passing legislation for housing reform on the state level is often just the first step, as opponents then sometimes seek to challenge the new laws in court or localities search for loopholes or other ways to avoid compliance. Sometimes lawmakers water down housing production mandates and other enforcement mechanisms before the bills even pass through the legislature.

While it’s not uncommon for local communities to try and avoid compliance when a housing law is first passed, some states have also been firing back in subsequent sessions to close loopholes and ramp up penalties for local governments. While some statutes have strong enforcement mechanisms built in to begin with, many lawmakers are recognizing the housing reform process will just need to be dogged and responsive to resistance and new challenges.

Housing experts with the Lincoln Institute of Land Policy say it’s likely to take at least three to five years after a statewide policy is passed before the public should expect to see any real changes in housing production, and they urge patience before claiming a reform has failed or succeeded.

“Many of the ambitious state housing policies that have been adopted are still in the early stages of implementation, so we don’t yet have definitive evidence about what works and what doesn’t,” they wrote in September. “Without realistic expectations about this time frame, pro-housing advocates may get discouraged, while opponents claim that zoning changes are ineffective—all before the policies have kicked in.”

$1 Trillion for Climate Aid

Taxing Fossil Fuel Extraction Could Raise Nearly $1 Trillion for Climate Aid

“This is surely the fairest way to boost revenues for the loss and damage fund.”

MATTHEW TAYLOR

A new tax on fossil fuel companies based in the world’s richest countries could raise hundreds of billions of dollars to help the most vulnerable nations cope with the escalating climate crisis, according to a report.

The Climate Damages Tax report, published on Monday, calculates that an additional tax on fossil fuel majors based in the wealthiest Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) countries could raise $720 billion by the end of the decade.

The authors say a new extraction levy could boost the loss and damage fund to help vulnerable countries cope with the worst effects of climate breakdown that was agreed at the Cop28 summit in Dubai—a hard-won victory by developing countries that they hope will signal a commitment by developed, polluting nations to provide financial support for some of the destruction already under way.

David Hillman, the director of the Stamp Out Poverty campaign and co-author of the report, said it “demonstrates that the richest, most economically powerful countries, with the greatest historical responsibility for climate change, need look no further than their fossil fuel industries to collect tens of billions a year in extra income by taxing them far more rigorously. This is surely the fairest way to boost revenues for the loss and damage fund to ensure that it is sufficiently financed as to be fit for purpose.”

The authors say the levy could be easily administered within existing tax systems. They calculate that if the tax were introduced in OECD countries in 2024 at an initial rate of $5 a ton of CO2 equivalent, increasing by $5 a ton each year, it would raise a total of $900 billion by 2030.

Of that $720 billion would go to the loss and damage fund with the remaining $180 billon earmarked as a “domestic dividend” to support communities within richer nations with a just climate transition.

The report is backed by dozens of climate organizations worldwide including Greenpeace, Stamp Out Poverty, Power Shift Africa and Christian Aid.

Areeba Hamid, a joint director at Greenpeace UK, said governments could no longer sit back and let ordinary people pick up the bill for the climate crisis while “oil bosses line their pockets and cash in on high energy prices”.

“We need concerted global leadership to force the fossil fuel industry to stop drilling and start paying for the damage they are causing around the world. A climate damages tax would be a powerful tool to help achieve both aims: unlocking hundreds of billions of funding for those at the sharp end of the climate crisis while helping accelerate a rapid and just transition away from fossil fuels around the world.”

The world has seen the devastating effects of the climate emergency, from drought in Africa to deadly floods in Pakistan and Afghanistan.

Hamid added: “Extreme weather is claiming lives and causing catastrophic damage around the world. But while communities that have contributed least to the crisis find themselves on its frontlines, and households across Europe struggle with sky-high energy bills, the fossil fuel industry continues to rake in massive profits with no accountability for its historic and ongoing impact on our climate.”

The report’s publication comes as the newly established loss and damage fund board is preparing for its first meeting in Abu Dhabi on Tuesday to discuss how the fund will be financed.

Ministers are also gathering at the G7 climate, energy and environment meeting in Turin, Italy. According to the report, if introduced only in G7 states, where a considerable number of international oil and gas companies are based, the climate damages tax could still raise $540 billion for the loss and damage fund by the end of the decade, with a $135 billion domestic dividend for national climate action across the G7.

Some sailing stuff...

You call that sailing?

From Sailing Anarchy

Would you contest the world’s most prestigious match-racing series when half the crew can’t sail, wouldn’t know a tack from a gybe, couldn’t tie a reef knot, and never lift their heads above the gunnel? Of course not. Yet that will be the situation for the next America’s Cup, now only a few months away.

It sounds ridiculous, and it is. But that is the outcome of the Class Rules for AC37 as agreed between Grant Dalton and Sir Ben Ainslie back in 2022. Of the prescribed crew of eight, four will be grinders or cyclors. Their only role is to apply whatever physical grunt their bodies can muster to power the hydraulic and electrical systems of the swing-foil 75-foot monomarans in which the Cup will be decided. 

Early indications are that all six boats – the NZ defenders and five challengers – will employ cyclors rather than conventional grinders. They will be head down, bum up throughout each race. To reduce aerodynamic drag their positions within the hull are such that they have no view of the actual racing. 

Is this sailing? Hardly. Is there any other recognized sporting competition on the planet in which half the competitors have no applicable experience, skills or knowledge? Back in the 12-metre days, the few ‘deck apes’ chosen largely for their upper body strength didn’t spend all their time on the coffee grinders. They were genuine members of a sailing crew.

The rise of the cyclors is the reductio ad absurdum of allowing the use of stored power. The published Class Rules for the America’s Cup (which run to an exhaustive 82 pages), make it impossible to compete without the end-use of non-human power. So many functions on these boats are driven by the wattage output of the cyclors that they could not sail, let alone race, without them. 

The gap between conventional sailing and the Cup has become a chasm. There are 92 separate AC rules governing power sources and control systems. These include transmission actuators, control surface actuators, passive input devices, primary force input devices, master actuators, hydraulic intensifiers, and hydraulic accumulators. And that’s not including all the power needed for on-board electronics, circuitry, communications, and the mandatory media systems. 

Existential, biological, epoch-defining???????????

The Far Right’s Campaign to Explode the Population

Behind the scenes at the first Natal Conference, where a motley alliance is throwing out the idea of winning converts to their cause and trying to make their own instead.

By GABY DEL VALLE

The threat, we are told here this weekend, is existential, biological, epoch-defining. Economies will fail, civilizations will fall, and it will all happen because people aren’t having enough babies.

“The entire global financial system, the value of your money, and every asset you might buy with money is defined by leverage, which means its value depends on growth,” Kevin Dolan, a 37-year-old father of six from Virginia, tells the crowd that has gathered to hear him speak. “Every country in the developed world and most countries in the developing world face long-term population decline at a level that makes growth impossible to maintain,” Dolan says, “which means we are sitting on the bubble of all bubbles.”

Despite this grim prognosis, the mood is optimistic. It’s early December, a few weeks before Christmas, and the hundred-odd people who have flocked to Austin for the first Natal Conference are here to come up with solutions. Though relatively small, as conferences go, NatalCon has attracted attendees who are almost intensely dedicated to the cause of raising the U.S. birth rate. The broader natalist movement has been gaining momentum lately in conservative circles — where anxieties over falling birth rates have converged with fears of rising immigration — and counts Elon Musk, who has nearly a dozen children, and Hungarian prime minister Viktor Orbán among its proponents. Natalism is often about more than raising birth rates, though that is certainly one of its aims; for many in the room, the ultimate goal is a total social overhaul, a culture in which child-rearing is paramount.

NatalCon’s emphasis on childbirth notwithstanding, there are very few women in the cavernous conference room of the LINE Hotel. The mostly male audience includes people of all ages, many of whom are childless themselves. Some of the women in attendance, however, have come to Austin with their children in tow — a visual representation of the desired outcome of this weekend. As if to emphasize the reason we’re all gathered here today, a baby babbles in the background while Dolan delivers his opening remarks.

Broadly speaking, the people who have paid as much as $1,000 to attend the conference are members of the New Right, a conglomeration of people in the populist wing of the conservative movement who believe we need seismic changes to the way we live now — and who often see the past as the best model for the future they’d like to build. Their ideology, such as it exists, is far from cohesive, and factions of the New Right are frequently in disagreement. But this weekend, these roughly aligned groups, from the libertarian-adjacent tech types to the Heritage Foundation staffers, along with some who likely have no connection with traditionally conservative or far-right causes at all, have found a unifying cause in natalism.

At first glance, this conference might look like something new: A case for having kids that is rooted in a critique of the market-driven forces that shape our lives and the shifts that have made our culture less family-oriented. As Dolan later tells me in an email, declining birth rates are primarily the fault of “default middle-class ‘life path’ offered by our educational system and corporate employers,” which Dolan says is “in obvious competition with starting a family.” These systems, he believes, have created a consumer-driven, hedonistic society that requires its members to be slavishly devoted to their office jobs, often at the expense of starting a family.

But over the course of the conference, the seemingly novel arguments for having children fade and give way to a different set of concerns. Throughout the day, speakers and participants hint at the other aspects of modern life that worried them about future generations in the U.S. and other parts of the West: divorce, gender integration, “wokeness,” declining genetic “quality.”

Many of the speakers and attendees see natalism as a way of reversing these changes. As the speakers chart their roadmaps for raising birth rates, it becomes evident that for the most dedicated of them, the mission is to build an army of like-minded people, starting with their own children, who will reject a whole host of changes wrought by liberal democracy and who, perhaps one day, will amount to a population large enough to effect more lasting change.

This conference suggests there’s a simple way around the problem of majority rule: breeding a new majority — one that looks and sounds just like them.

In recent years, various factions of the old and the new right have coalesced around the idea that babies might be the cure for everything that’s wrong with society, in the United States and other parts of the developed West.

It’s not a new argument. Natalists made similar claims in the early 20th century, when urbanization drove birth rates down and European immigration kept the U.S. population afloat. Then, too, people attributed the drop in fertility rates to endemic selfishness among young people.

Throughout it all, some religious conservative cultures have continued to see raising large broods as a divine mandate. White supremacists, meanwhile, have framed their project as a way of ensuring “a future for white children,” as declared by David Lane, a founding member of the white nationalist group The Order.

More recently, natalist thinking has emerged among tech types interested in funding and using experimental reproductive technologies, and conservatives concerned about falling fertility rates and what they might mean for the future labor force of the United States and elsewhere in the developed world. The conservative think tanks the Center for Renewing America and the Heritage Foundation — the latter of which was represented at NatalCon — have proposed policies for a potential second Trump administration that would promote having children and raising them in nuclear families, including limiting access to contraceptives, banning no-fault divorce and ending policies that subsidize “single-motherhood.”

Though Dolan opens the conference by talking about the potential economic consequences of a global birth dearth, he and the other NatalCon speakers aren’t primarily concerned with the utilitarian arguments for raising birth rates. “I’m not trying to have grandkids so they can fund Medicare,” Dolan says. “We’re here because we agree that people are beautiful, that life is beautiful, and that it should go on.”

Dolan, a conservative Mormon and a former Booz Allen Hamilton data scientist, resigned from his job in 2021 after a group of self-proclaimed anti-fascist Mormon activists exposed his anonymous Twitter account, which tied him to the far-right Deseret Nationalist movement. Having lost his livelihood and security clearance, Dolan started the EXIT Group, a “fraternity of like-minded men” who are preparing for the supposed collapse of American society — and who, as of recently, have taken on the decline in birth rates as their pet cause.

On his podcast, Dolan says he was first alerted to the problem of demographic collapse by a member of the EXIT Group, which claims to have 171 members. Dolan came up with the idea for NatalCon after watching “The End of Men,” Tucker Carlson’s documentary about “collapsing testosterone levels” in the West. The global drop in sperm concentrations has indeed puzzled scientists for decades and is believed to be one of the factors that has contributed to the global downturn in birth rates. But NatalCon’s organizers and attendees seem more interested in combating social institutions — like corporate employment and the educational system set up to support it — that, in Dolan’s words, have suppressed fertility by being “hostile to life.”

Most of the first day of the conference is spent defining the problem. In a nutshell: Sperm counts are historically low. Our bodies are full of microplastics. Public schools are indoctrinating children against the good Christian values with which they were raised. Dating apps have gamified romance, tricking lonely singles into believing that a better prospect is always around the corner. Women have been convinced that they can have it all — kids and a career and endless vacations and so much more — only to end up unhappy, infertile and alone.

The speakers who lay out this bleak state of affairs are a motley crew of the extremely online right, many of whom go by their X (the website formerly called Twitter) handles rather than their names. Via Zoom, anonymous Twitter user Raw Egg Nationalist warns us about endocrine disruptors in everything from perfume to bottled water. Ben Braddock, an editor at the conservative magazine IM-1776, claims that antidepressants and birth control pills have permanent, detrimental effects on women’s fertility. Together, the speakers paint a dire picture of a society that has lost its way, abandoning fundamental biological truths and dooming itself to annihilation in the process.

The solution, of course, is to have more babies. Peachy Keenan, a pseudonymous writer affiliated with the conservative Claremont Institute, urges attendees to “seize the means of reproduction” — as in, to out-breed liberals, who are already hobbling their movement by choosing to have just a couple children, or none at all. “We can use their visceral hatred of big families to our advantage,” Keenan says. “The other side is not reproducing; the anti-natalists are sterilizing themselves.”

Here lies the project, spelled out in detail: The people who disagree have bloodlines that are slowly going to die out. To speed up that process — to have this particular strain of conservative natalist ideology become dominant quickly in the United States — everyone in this room has to have more kids, and fast.

But it’s only when the speakers get to who should have babies and how they should raise them that their deeper concerns, and the larger anxieties behind this conference, become clear.

The goal, as put by Indian Bronson, the pseudonymous co-founder of the elite matchmaking service Keeper, is “more, better people.”

But the speakers lack consensus on the meaning of the word “better,” as they do on the subject of using technology to encourage the best and brightest among us to breed.

Keenan, who has previously celebrated her sense that it is now acceptable to say “white genocide is real,” says better means conservative. Pat Fagan, the director of the Marriage and Religion Institute at the Catholic University of America, says good children are the product of stable, two-parent Christian households, away from the corrupting influences of public school and sex ed. (Christian couples, he adds, have “the best, most orgasmic sex,” citing no research or surveys to support this.) To protect these households, we must abolish no-fault divorce, declares Brit Benjamin, a lawyer with waist-length curly red hair. (Until relatively recently, Benjamin was married to Patri Friedman — grandson of economist Milton Friedman — the founder of the Seasteading Institute, a Peter Thiel-backed effort to build new libertarian enclaves at sea.) And to ensure that these children grow up to be adults who understand their proper place in both the family and the larger social order, we need to oust women from the workforce and reinstitute male-only spaces “where women are disadvantaged as a result,” shampoo magnate and aspiring warlord Charles Haywood says, prompting cheers from the men in the audience.

Haywood’s final words to the audience elicit raucous applause: “The Civil Rights Act of 1964 and its progeny are probably the single most destructive set of laws in American history, and all should be wiped forever,” he says before getting off stage. (A few women told me afterward they and others disagreed with Haywood.)

Notably, most of the speakers do not make a case for more immigration to counter the trend of declining birth rates. Immigrants can’t solve our population problem, Dolan says, because they’ll eventually realize they were brought here to pay into Social Security for old white people. (On X, Dolan has used the word “replacement” to refer to immigration.)

Some at the conference are interested in the genetics of the children they believe everyone should be having. Evolutionary biologist Diana Fleischman and writer Jonathan Anomaly argue that genetics are destiny. (“I shouldn’t say Good quality children,” Fleischman says after speaking at length about how people with mental illness are statistically likely to marry other mentally ill people and pass those genes along to their children, suggesting some children are indeed biologically better than others.)

Razib Khan — a geneticist and science blogger who in 2015 was hired and quickly fired by the New York Times opinion section after Gawker reported on his ties to racist far-right publications — illustrates the problem of current demographic trends in the West compared to other regions by pointing to Ethiopia, which had nearly as many births in 2020 as the entire European continent. “This is the future we’re already in,” says Khan, who is Bangladeshi-American. “Many of you have young children. … They will live to see this world.”

Over and over throughout the conference, anxieties over the drop in birth rates — the issue that brought the speakers and audience together — gave way to fears that certain populations were out-breeding their betters. Though few speakers explicitly mentioned race, the conference provided an opportunity for those with genuine concerns about population decline to join forces with, and perhaps be influenced by, those who espouse racist or regressive views. During the second day of the conference — a closed-door, phone-off event dedicated to brainstorming ways to reverse the population crisis — VIP ticket holders mingled with Jared Taylor, the publisher of the white supremacist magazine American Renaissance, according to multiple people in attendance who wanted to remain anonymous because having their name linked to the conference would jeopardize their work.

The following day, I talk with Malcolm and Simone Collins, the husband-and-wife founder of Pronatalist.org who went viral in 2023 after the Telegraph dubbed them the “elite couple breeding to save mankind.” They are entrepreneurs and investors and previously served as co-CEOs of a travel agency company; Simone is also currently running for a seat in the Pennsylvania House of Representatives.

The Collinses tell me they want to promote a plurality of cultures and protect everyone’s right to be “weird.” Malcolm says they want to make their movement a “big tent” and were initially worried about what kinds of people the conference would attract. “Are they going to be like, ‘[No] transgender people reading kids books?’ Are they going to be racist nut jobs? It’s a real concern,” he says.

The Collinses — parents of four children — present themselves as rationalists, techies trying to solve the looming depopulation crisis by any means necessary. (Simone was pregnant with the fourth child during the conference. That baby, Industry Americus Collins, was born in April.) With their third and fourth children, the Collinses used a preimplantation genetic test that allowed them to select an embryo with optimum genetic makeup.

But they, too, are far more interested in the cultural implications of declining fertility rates than their fascination with reproductive technologies might lead you to believe. The couple is committed to fighting the “urban monoculture” that they claim has tricked a generation of young Americans into spending their most fertile years chasing professional achievements and personal fulfillment at the expense of building a family.

“The monoculture is not an evil thing,” Malcolm says over panang curry and pineapple fried rice at a Thai restaurant the day after the conference’s VIP event, but, he continues, it’s built on false promises. “It promises people, if you join us, you can do whatever makes you happy, so long as it doesn’t interfere with other people’s quality of life, and you can be affirmed for whoever you want to be.” In reality, though, they become casualties of an elitist scam.

The urban monoculture, Malcolm explains, breeds childlessness and therefore must poach other people’s children to survive. It lures them out of small towns and into large cities, encourages them to eschew their religious upbringings in favor of hedonistic secularism, and then leaves them to die alone.

Malcolm compares the “urban monoculture” to the boarding schools the Canadian government forced Native children into, in which indigenous children were forcibly assimilated into white culture. (The U.S. government had similar boarding schools.) “It doesn’t matter if you’re trying to convert them to a culture that’s closer to mine — what you’re doing is wrong,” he says. When I tell him the boarding schools were a state program, not a voluntary form of acculturation, Malcolm becomes animated. “This is a state project! What’s going on in the public schools is a state project! The mechanisms that the urban monoculture uses to de-convert people are primarily a state funded educational system,” he says. (In a subsequent email, he describes the urban monoculture as “one of the descendants of European imperialism.”) The most important and effective way to fight the monoculture, Malcolm later tells me via email, is building “school systems not dedicated to cultural genocide.”

The goal, though, the Collinses tell me, is not to convert the childless, or even to counteract the phenomena that contribute to the “unplanned childlessness” that has become endemic among millennials: it’s to encourage people with a lot of children to have even more. “Some people matter less than other people in getting fertility rates up,” Malcolm says. “Helping somebody who has four kids but wants eight is more important than helping someone who has none but wants one.”

Ultimately, this is what unites the Collinses with the more “trad” wings of the natalist movement, from the nativists to the Christian nationalists: pushing back on social and cultural changes they see as imposed on them by outside forces. To do that, these conference attendees have coalesced around a solution that won’t require them to persuade skeptics to join their cause. If everything goes as planned, the competition will go extinct on their own. All the natalists have to do is have enough kids so that, in a generation or two, they’ll be the ones who inherit the earth.

Clears House Rules panel

Antisemitism bill clears House Rules panel following partisan feud

“This bill threatens to chill constitutionally protected speech,” Rep. Jerry Nadler said.

By BIANCA QUILANTAN

Lawmakers on the House Rules Committee advanced a bipartisan bill Monday night attempting to codify a definition of antisemitism — after the panel’s Democrats bashed the measure at length.

The legislation — H.R. 6090, the Antisemitism Awareness Act of 2023 — is one of several bills introduced in Congress since Hamas’ Oct. 7 attack on Israel and the burst of pro-Palestinian protests on college campuses. But ahead of Monday’s 7-4 vote, Democrats, including New York Rep. Jerry Nadler, told the Rules panel the measure was deeply flawed.

“This bill threatens to chill constitutionally protected speech,” Nadler, the top Democrat on the House Judiciary Committee, said. “Speech that is critical of Israel alone does not constitute unlawful discrimination … the bill sweeps too broadly.”

The bill, led by Rep. Michael Lawler (R-N.Y.), has 13 Democratic co-sponsors and would codify the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance’s definition of antisemitism in Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, a federal anti-discrimination law that bars discrimination based on shared ancestry, ethnic characteristics or national origin. All schools that receive federal funds must comply with Title VI, but it has been unclear how to determine when free speech crosses into antisemitic discrimination.

Many Republicans on the panel said the bill is needed to protect Jewish students and provide clarity for the agencies that enforce the law.

“Now more than ever, it’s critical the federal government’s definition of antisemitism is clear and uniform,” House Rules Chair Michael Burgess (R-Texas) said after pointing to several protests on campus. “Congress must clearly define antisemitism, so universities are empowered to take appropriate and decisive steps to keep Jewish students safe and respond to exercises of speech so hostile and discriminatory that it is not covered by the protections enshrined in the First Amendment to the United States Constitution.”

Committee members approved a closed rule and one hour of debate.

Still, some Republicans expressed their reservations with the bill.

Rep. Thomas Massie (R-Ky.) was critical that no definition was actually written in the bill and that it just referred to the IHRA definition and posed several hypothetical comments to the bill’s supporters. “It’s dangerous to take one definition,” he said, though he still voted to clear the bill.

The Biden administration did not weigh in on the bill even though it responded with a statement of administration policy to six other measures the Rules Committee considered on Monday.

Nadler, who was brought in to testify against the bill, had previously supported a similar one that would have codified multiple definitions of antisemitism. But after being pressed on that support, Nadler said: “I was mistaken to do so.”

He explained that he would support a bill that did not include the IHRA definition and included several definitions of antisemitism.

Nadler and other Democrats repeatedly pressed Republicans to instead boost funding for the Education Department and the Justice Department’s Office for Civil Rights, which are responsible for enforcing anti-discrimination laws. Nadler also urged lawmakers to consider a competing bipartisan proposal, which would establish the first-ever national coordinator to counter antisemitism.

“I’m really concerned that this bill repeats what we’ve seen so many times in this Congress: We’re seeing the House Republican majority trying to exploit real problems to divide people and score political points rather than providing actual solutions,” Rep. Mary Gay Scanlon (D-Pa.) said, also adding that she would support the other proposal.

Population-loss streak

California finally reverses its population-loss streak

A rebound in legal immigration and other factors fueled the state’s first population increase since 2019.

By BLAKE JONES

California has reversed a three-year population decline that proved politically fraught for Democrats and magnified the state’s affordability crisis.

A rebound in legal immigration and drop in Covid-19 deaths fueled the increase of 67,000, or 0.2 percent, in 2023, according to data released Tuesday morning from the state Department of Finance.

California still lost more residents to other states than it gained from them — as has been the case for two decades — but the number of people leaving for other parts of the country fell to pre-pandemic levels.

The trend reversal will be a welcome sign to Democrats in the nation’s largest state, where slowed growth has invited scathing critiques from national Republicans and already cost California a House seat.

“We have again returned to an era of positive growth, certainly lower than some of the go-go growth that we saw in the 70s and 80s and 90s,” said Finance spokesperson H.D. Palmer. “Some of the major reasons that we had declines in population are receding in the rearview mirror.”

California began to shrink in 2020 due to pandemic deaths, federal immigration restrictions and declining birth rates. It was the first time the state lost population since it began recording the numbers in 1900.

People also moved out of the state in increasing numbers, many of them able to work remotely and seek housing cheaper than what was available in costly business hubs including Silicon Valley and San Francisco.

Coastal workers increasingly moved to landlocked parts of California, too, but that trend appears to have slowed. Los Angeles and San Francisco grew last year, in a reversal of fortunes which suggests that a return to hybrid or in-person work is attracting some employees back to major cities.

“Individuals were newly freed from the office in California” in 2021 and 2022, Walter Schwarm, a demographer for the Department of Finance, said in an interview. “Some people temporarily moved places and now are back because their employer wants them to be around a little more often.”

California’s heavy reliance on immigration caused it to be hard hit by a slowdown in professional visa processing under the Trump administration and then a near-halt of movement into the country at the onset of the pandemic. Legal immigration processing has since sped up, counteracting declining birth rates and movement out of the state that have chipped away at the state’s population gains. (The Department’s estimates do not include undocumented immigrants).

Also helping: The net loss of California residents to other states fell from a peak of 356,000 in 2021 to 91,000 in 2023.

Construction of desperately-needed housing remained steady last year, according to the new data. California added 116,000 units, or 0.8 percent of the state’s inventory. Around half of those were single-family homes, while most of the rest were multi-family homes like apartments.

Such construction should have put downward pressure on prices, “which certainly helps affordability,” said Schwarm, and that may have helped urban areas stem population losses.

The Department of Finance is projecting slow, positive growth over the coming years. But it could take more than that for California to regain a House seat, as some landlocked states continue to grow rapidly.

If congressional apportionments were made based on a Census population estimate from last year — rather than the 2020 Census — California would have lost three House seats rather than one, according to an Election Data Services report.

“In addition, sluggish or negative population growth in some parts of the state — including Los Angeles County and most rural areas — has reduced representation for those places compared to faster-growing areas like the Inland Empire or the Sacramento metropolitan area,” researchers wrote in a separate Public Policy Institute of California report in January.

Is a myth....

Energy independence is a myth. Candidates don’t care.

By ARIANNA SKIBELL

Presidents love to promise energy independence.

Former President Donald Trump claimed at a recent rally that the U.S. “was energy independent three years ago” during his administration. President Joe Biden has often invoked the term as well — and his campaign told POLITICO’s E&E News that the U.S. is “closer to energy independence” now than it has been in decades. It’s been the universal, perpetually repeated rallying cry for every president since the 1973 Arab oil embargo.

But energy experts caution that while the political slogan may be simple, becoming a truly energy independent country is not, writes Scott Waldman. And, perhaps unsurprisingly, it depends on how you define the term.

If energy independence means the country is producing more energy than it consumes, then both leaders have achieved it. While Biden rarely talks up his efforts to produce oil and natural gas, the nation’s output under his leadership continues to smash records. And starting under Trump’s tenure, the U.S. began annually producing “more crude oil than any country, ever,” according to the U.S. Energy Information Administration — though even that achievement stemmed from the fracking boom that began during the George W. Bush administration and roared to life under President Barack Obama.

Still, the nation has continued to import foreign fuels as well. So if energy independence means no imports, then neither president has done it. According to that definition, the country hasn’t been energy independent for more than 75 years.

That’s in part because the oil the U.S. produces isn’t the oil the country’s infrastructure prefers. The nation’s refineries were largely built before the U.S. fracking boom and are designed to process heavier crude oil typically found in Russia and the Middle East. The lighter stuff found in the U.S. is often cheaper to export.

And even if a country produces more than it consumes, oil is part of a global market. That means the fuel will still be exposed to international supply and demand disruptions that affect global prices, said Harrison Fell at North Carolina State University.

Energy produced from solar rays and wind, however, is not vulnerable to global price shocks. So reducing the nation’s reliance on fossil fuels is a key, and often overlooked, step toward self-sufficiency, Fell said.

In that regard, the Biden administration has what to brag about. Biden’s $369 billion climate law has allocated a record amount of funding for expanding the nation’s clean energy infrastructure.

Still, clean power is no silver bullet. A flood of Chinese solar power parts is driving down prices and threatening to kneecap domestic manufacturers.

How about those gun laws.... Let's have more.. Feel safe yet???

4 law officers killed serving warrant in North Carolina

Four other police officers were wounded.

By ASSOCIATED PRESS

Four police officers serving a warrant for a felon wanted for possessing a firearm were killed and four other officers were wounded in a shootout Monday at a North Carolina home, police said.

Some of the officers who rushed to the Charlotte neighborhood to rescue the first wave of downed officers were wounded as a second shooter began firing on them after they killed the wanted man, Charlotte-Mecklenburg Police Chief Johnny Jennings said.

“Today we lost some heroes who were out simply trying to keep our community safe,” Jennings said at a news conference.

After a three-hour standoff, the suburban Charlotte home was torn open. Armored vehicles smashed into it, ripping off windows and entire doorways that were left broken. Several armored vehicles were parked across yards, some with tree branches dangling off them.

The U.S. Marshals Task Force was fired on by the wanted suspect as they approached the house and the man was killed in the front yard, Jennings said. His name was not released, but the chief said he was wanted as a felon illegally possessing a weapon.

A second person then fired on officers from inside the home where a high-powered rifle was found, Jennings added.

A woman and a 17-year-old male were found in the home after the standoff. The two are being questioned, Jennings said.

The Marshal’s Service confirmed one of its agents was killed. Two officers from the state Department of Adult Correction also were killed, said North Carolina Gov. Roy Cooper. The governor was in Charlotte and was speaking to the families of the officers killed and hurt. Their names have not been released.

Charlotte-Mecklenburg police officer Joshua Eyer died a few hours later at the hospital, Jennings said. Eyer was named the officer of the month for the force for April a few weeks ago, the chief said.

“He certainty gave his life and dedicated his life to protecting our citizens,” Jennings said.

One other member of the task force, which is made up of federal agents and other officers from across the region was injured.

Three other Charlotte-Mecklenburg police officers who responded to the scene were shot while trying to rescue the wounded officers.

Neighbors said gunfire lasted for several minutes.

WSOC-TV said their helicopter captured an armored vehicle driving through yards and knocking over recycling bins before officers removed a person with blood on their shirt who was then loaded into an ambulance.

After the home was cleared, the helicopter pilot said he couldn’t show the front lawn of the home because the scene was too graphic and disturbing.

“A lot of the questions that need to be answered, we don’t even know what those questions are now,” Jennings said, somberly briefing reporters less than four hours after the shooting. “We have to get a full understanding of why this occurred and also uphold the integrity of the investigation.”

Many roads in the area including Interstate 77 were closed so ambulances could get to hospitals faster. TV footage showed ambulances speeding to hospitals escorted by vehicles both in front and behind with their sirens wailing.

Rissa Reign was cleaning her house when she heard the first shots ring out. There was a pause, then a second set of shots and then a third. She stepped outside.

“When we came outside, there were no cops at all, then cops started rushing, rushing, rushing, rushing in,” she said, adding armored SWAT trucks quickly followed and they “were going over the grass, everything, and they started shooting again.”

The neighborhood, of one– and two-story, brick homes and small trimmed lawns, is very safe, said Alex Rivera, who lives on a street nearby.

“I see, like, 50 police cars zooming in, and then I hear gunshots,” he said on the front porch of the house he shares with his cousin. “I was scared, because there was so much going on.“

Another neighbor, William Cunningham, was moved to tears as he sat on his porch. He said he is a veteran of Operation Desert Storm but never expected such violence in his own neighborhood.

“Bless those officers and bless their families,” he said. “Nobody should get killed over a warrant.”

Four Charlotte-Mecklenburg Schools were placed on lockdown around afternoon dismissal, but that was lifted in the late afternoon, the district said.

Police urged people to stay away from the neighborhood and asked residents to remain inside their homes until the all clear was given.

President Joe Biden was briefed on the shooting and spoke with Charlotte Mayor Vi Lyles to express his condolences and support for the community.

The last marshal shot and killed in the line of duty was in November 2018. Chase White was shot in Tucson, Arizona, by a man wanted for stalking local law enforcement officers, the agency said.

The Carolinas Regional Fugitive Task Force is headquartered in Charlotte and comprised of 70 federal, state and local agencies. Fugitive task forces are collaborations between agencies to find and arrest suspects in crimes.

In six years, the regional task force has apprehended more than 8,900 fugitives, the U.S. Marshals Service said on its website.

In March 2007, two Charlotte-Mecklenburg Police officers were killed while responding to a domestic dispute by someone not directly involved in the fight. Demeatrius Antonio Montgomery is serving a life sentence in the killings of officers Jeffrey Shelton and Sean Clark.

NSA worker sentenced

Former NSA worker sentenced for selling secrets

Jareh Sebastian Dalke was sentenced to nearly 22 years in prison.

By ASSOCIATED PRESS

A former National Security Agency employee who sold classified information to an undercover FBI agent he believed to be a Russian official was sentenced Monday to nearly 22 years in prison, the penalty requested by government prosecutors.

U.S. District Judge Raymond Moore said he could have put Jareh Sebastian Dalke, 32, behind bars for even longer, calling the 262-month sentence “mercy” for what he saw as a calculated action to take the job at the NSA in order to be able to sell national security secrets.

“This was blatant. It was brazen and, in my mind, it was deliberate. It was a betrayal, and it was as close to treasonous as you can get,” Moore said.

Dalke’s attorneys had asked for the Army veteran, who pleaded guilty to espionage charges last fall in a deal with prosecutors, to be sentenced to 14 years in prison, in part because the information did not end up in enemy hands and cause damage. Assistant federal public defender David Kraut also argued for a lighter sentence because he said Dalke had suffered a traumatic brain injury, had attempted suicide four times, and had experienced trauma as a child, including witnessing domestic violence and substance abuse. Research has shown that kind of childhood trauma increases the risk of people later engaging in dangerous behavior, he said.

Later, Dalke, who said he was “remorseful and ashamed”, told Moore he had also suffered PTSD, bipolar disorder and obsessive compulsive disorder.

He denied being motivated by ideology or earning money by agreeing to sell the secrets. Dalke also suggested he had an idea that he was actually communicating with law enforcement but was attracted to the thrill of what he was doing.

But Moore said he was skeptical of Dalke’s claims about his conditions since the defense did not provide any expert opinions or hospital records.

According to court documents, Dalke, who worked at the NSA for about a month, told the undercover FBI agent that he wanted to “cause change” after questioning the United States’ role in causing damage to the world, but he also said he was $237,000 in debt. He also allegedly said he had decided to work with Russia because his heritage “ties back to your country.”

Dalke was initially paid $16,499 in cryptocurrency for excerpts of some documents that he passed on to the agent to show what he had, and then he offered to sell the rest of the information he had for $85,000, according to the plea deal.

The agent directed him to go to Denver’s downtown train station on Sept. 28, 2022, and send the documents using a secure digital connection during a four-hour window. Dalke arrived with his laptop and first used the connection to send a thank you letter that opened and closed in Russian and in which he said he looked “forward to our friendship and shared benefit,” according to the plea deal. Moments after he used his laptop to transfer all the files, FBI agents arrested him.

According to the indictment, the information Dalke sought to give to Russia included a threat assessment of the military offensive capabilities of a third, unnamed country. It also includes a description of sensitive U.S. defense capabilities, some of which relates to that same foreign country.

Protesters and police clash

Israel-Hamas war protesters and police clash on Texas campus

The confrontation was an escalation on the 53,000-student campus in the state’s capital.

By ASSOCIATED PRESS

Protesters and police clashed Monday at the University of Texas in a confrontation that resulted in dozens of arrests.

At the campus in Austin, an attorney said at least 40 demonstrators had been arrested Monday on charges of trespassing and disorderly conduct, some of them by officers in riot gear who encircled about 100 sitting protesters, dragging or carrying them out one by one amid screams. Another group of demonstrators trapped police and a van full of arrestees between buildings, creating a mass of bodies pushing and shoving and prompting the officers to use pepper spray and flash-bang devices to clear the crowd.

The confrontation was an escalation on the 53,000-student campus in the state’s capital, where more than 50 protesters were arrested last week.

The university late Monday issued a statement saying that many of Monday’s protesters were not affiliated with the school and that encampments are prohibited on campus. The school also alleged that some demonstrators were “physically and verbally combative” with university staff, prompting officials to call law enforcement.

From coast to coast, demonstrators are sparring over the Israel-Hamas war, and the number of arrests at campuses nationwide is approaching 1,000 as the final days of class wrap up at many schools. The outcry is forcing colleges to reckon with their financial ties to Israel, as well as their support for free speech. Some Jewish students say the protests have veered into antisemitism and made them afraid to set foot on campus.

The protests have even spread to Europe, with French police removing dozens of students from the Sorbonne university after pro-Palestinian protesters occupied the main courtyard. In Canada, student protest camps have popped up at the University of Ottawa, McGill University in Montreal and the University of British Columbia in Vancouver, The Canadian Press reported.

The plight of students who have been arrested has become a central part of protests, with the students and a growing number of faculty demanding amnesty for protesters. At issue is whether the suspensions and legal records will follow students through their adult lives.

The Texas protest and others grew out of Columbia University’s early demonstrations that have continued. On Monday, student activists on the school’s Manhattan campus defied a 2 p.m. deadline to leave an encampment of around 120 tents. If they left by the deadline and signed a form committing to abide by university policies through June 2025, officials said they could finish the semester in good standing. If not, they would be suspended, pending further investigation.

Instead, hundreds of protesters remained, marching around the quad and weaving around piles of temporary flooring and green carpeting meant for graduation ceremonies that are supposed to begin next week. A handful of counter-demonstrators waved Israeli flags, and one held a sign reading, “Where are the anti-Hamas chants?”

Students dug in their heels at other high-profile universities, with standoffs continuing at Harvard, the University of Pennsylvania, Yale and others. Police in riot gear at Virginia Commonwealth University sought to break up an encampment there late Monday, clashing with protesters and deploying pepper spray and zip-ties to take them into custody.

In a rare case, Northwestern University said it reached an agreement with students and faculty who represent the majority of protesters on its campus just north of Chicago. It allows peaceful demonstrations through the June 1 end of spring classes and in exchange, requires removal of all tents except one for aid, and restricts the demonstration area to allow only students, faculty and staff unless the university approves otherwise.

At the University of Southern California, organizers of a large encampment sat down with university President Carol Folt for about 90 minutes on Monday. Folt declined to discuss details of what was discussed, but said the purpose of the meeting was to allow her to hear the concerns of protesters.

Big Mistake on AI?

Are These States About to Make a Big Mistake on AI?

AI is potentially transformative. Whether that’s a good or bad thing depends on whether we set the right rules.

Opinion by GRACE GEDYE and MATT SCHERER

If you’ve looked for a job recently, AI may well have a hidden hand in the process. An AI recruiter might have scored your LinkedIn profile or resume. HR professionals might have used a different AI app to scrape your social media profiles and spit out scores for your cheerfulness and ability to work with others. They also might have used AI to analyze your word choice or facial expressions in a video interview, and used yet another app to run an AI background check on you.

It’s not at all clear how well these programs work. AI background check companies have been sued for making mistakes that cost people job opportunities and income. Some resume screening tools have been found to perpetuate bias. One resume screening program identified two factors as the best predictors of future job performance: having played high school lacrosse and being named Jared. Another assessment provided high scores in English proficiency even when questions were answered exclusively in German.

To make matters worse, companies don’t have to tell you when they use AI or algorithmic software to set your car insurance premiums or rent, or make major decisions about your employment, medical care or housing, much less test those technologies for accuracy or bias.

To consumer and worker advocates like us, this situation practically screams out for regulation. Unfortunately, Congress has struggled for years to pass meaningful new regulations on technology, and there’s no guarantee that will change soon. State legislatures are picking up the slack, with a number of AI bills currently in the works — but they won’t solve the problem either, unless they’re reformed.

When the main AI bias bills currently under consideration appeared in state capitols across the country earlier this year, we were disappointed to see that they contained industry-friendly loopholes and weak enforcement. Job applicants, patients, renters and consumers would still have a hard time finding out if discriminatory or error-prone AI was used to help make life-altering decisions about them.

In recent months, legislators in at least 10 states have introduced a spate of closely related bills that address AI and algorithmic decision-making in a wide range of settings, including hiring, education, insurance, housing, lending, government services and criminal sentencing. Key sections of many of these bills are strikingly similar to each other, and to model legislative text prepared by a major HR tech company.

Some of these bills have a real chance of passing this year. The Connecticut Senate passed a sweeping bill covering automated decision-making along with many other AI-related topics last week. The chair of the California Assembly’s Privacy Committee is sponsoring a bill that would establish similar rules for AI decision-making, and the Colorado Senate’s majority leader is sponsoring yet another version. If state lawmakers aren’t careful, we may see laws spread across the country that don’t do enough to protect consumers or workers.

The Devil’s in the Details

At first glance, these bills seem to lay out a solid foundation of transparency requirements and bias testing for AI-driven decision systems. Unfortunately, all of the bills contain loopholes that would make it too easy for companies to avoid accountability.

For example, many of the bills would cover only AI systems that are “specifically developed” to be a “controlling” or “substantial” factor in a high-stakes decision. Cutting through the jargon, this would mean that companies could completely evade the law simply by putting fine print at the bottom of their technical documentation or marketing materials saying that their product wasn’t designed to be the main reason for a decision and should only be used under human supervision.

Sound policy would also address the fact that we often have no idea if a company is using AI to make key decisions about our lives, much less what personal information and other factors the program considers.

Solid regulation would require businesses to clearly and directly tell you what decision an AI program is being used to make, and what information it will employ to do it. It would also require companies to provide an explanation if their AI system decides you aren’t a good fit for a job, a college, a home loan or other important benefits. But under most of these bills, the most a company would have to do is post a vague notice in a hidden corner of their website.

The Connecticut and Colorado bills also let companies withhold anything they consider “confidential” or a “trade secret” from disclosures — but companies often claim lots of ordinary information is confidential or proprietary. Trade secret protections can be misused: Theranos, the famously fraudulent blood testing startup, reportedly threatened to sue former employees under trade secret laws for disclosing their concerns that the technology simply didn’t work.

Most of the bills also contain weak enforcement mechanisms, preventing consumers and workers from filing lawsuits, and instead putting enforcement in the hands of overstretched and understaffed agencies. Even if a bill requires all companies to tell consumers about their AI-driven decisions, it won’t do much good if companies know it’s unlikely they will be caught or face meaningful penalties. Similar flaws have allowed companies to almost completely ignore a 2021 AI hiring law adopted in New York City.

The upshot is that these bills would essentially let companies keep doing what they already do: Use AI to make key decisions about us without accountability.

What Should Happen Next

The first AI bias bill that becomes law will have ripple effects across the country.

People like to talk about states as “laboratories of democracy,” experimenting with different solutions and figuring out what works best. But that’s not how it always works in practice. If you look at the data privacy laws passed by 15 states, many of them are remarkably similar, down to the sentence level. That’s because state lawmakers often start by copying a privacy law that another state passed and then make minor tweaks. It’s not an inherently bad process, but it does mean that if one state sets a poor standard, it can spread to many others.

We’ve seen industry-friendly loopholes pop up in one privacy bill — such as an exemption for companies covered by a broad federal financial law — and then get copied into about a dozen others.

With that in mind, here is what legislators working on AI bias and transparency bills should do to ensure their legislation actually helps workers and consumers:
  • Tighten definitions of AI decision systems. If an AI program could alter the outcome of an employment, housing, insurance or other important decision about our lives, the law should cover it — full stop.
  • Require transparency, early. Companies should tell us how AI systems make decisions and recommendations before a key decision is made, so that we understand how we will be evaluated and so that disabled workers and consumers can seek accommodation if necessary.
  • Require explanations. When an AI-driven decision denies someone a job, housing or another major life opportunity, companies shouldn’t be allowed to rely on uninterpretable AI systems or keep us in the dark. A law should require explanations of how and why an AI decided the way it did.
  • Eliminate the loophole for “confidential information” and “trade secrets.” Companies have frequently used claims of confidentiality and trade secret protection to cover up illegal activity or flaws in their products.
  • Sync the bills with existing civil rights laws. Definitions of algorithmic discrimination shouldn’t include exceptions or loopholes that suggest discrimination by a machine somehow deserves special treatment, as compared to discrimination through other means.
  • Make enforcement strong enough to ensure companies will take the law seriously. Allow consumers and workers to bring their own lawsuits or, at a minimum, give enforcement agencies the resources and expertise to enforce the law vigorously and impose stiff fines on companies that violate the law.
This isn’t just the responsibility of state lawmakers. At the federal level, Congress and agencies in Washington may be able to help this from becoming a national problem. Congress could pass a law providing transparency and consumer protections when companies use AI for high-stakes decisions. In the meantime, agencies can issue rules and guidance under their existing authority. Some have already made some moves: The Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, for example, has clarified that creditors using complex algorithms still have to provide specific and accurate explanations when they deny people lines of credit. If an algorithm is so complex that the company can’t explain it, the CFPB says they can’t use it.

Right now, however, we are warily watching the bills moving through the statehouses in Hartford, Sacramento and elsewhere. The problems in this current crop of AI bills can be fixed: Loopholes can be closed, transparency provisions improved and accountability sections strengthened. We’ve seen some promising changes in Connecticut; in response to consumer and labor advocates’ demands, the pending version of Connecticut’s AI bill ditches the loophole-filled definition of covered AI systems and would require businesses to provide some explanation when they use AI to make a high-stakes decision about you.

But whether those and other, as yet unmade, changes to protect consumers will be included in Connecticut’s final law remains to be seen. Connecticut Gov. Ned Lamont has expressed skepticism of his state’s bill — not because the bill doesn’t do enough to protect consumers, but because he fears it will hurt Connecticut’s standing with the business community.

There’s far more work to be done — in Connecticut, California and across the country.