By Matt Mellema
The Supreme Court will hear oral arguments Tuesday in a case
about what the Environmental Protection Agency can do to keep states from
spewing pollution into their neighbors’ air. EPA v. EME Homer City Generation arises from the “good
neighbor” provision of the Clean Air Act. In that provision, Congress gave
power to the EPA to reduce the emissions of states that “contribute
significantly” to the inability of states downwind of them to meet the law’s
standards for air quality. Connecticut , for
example, has polluting neighbors: A congressional report found that even if Connecticut turned off
every emissions source in the state, pollution from other
states would make it fail the test set by federal ozone standards.
The EPA’s “good neighbor” regulations, which went into effect in
August of 2011, have two steps. First, the agency determines whether an upwind
state is responsible for at least 1 percent of any downwind state’s allotted
amount for a pollutant. Virtually every upwind state the EPA has studied falls
into this category. Second, the EPA imposes on every one of these upwind states
the same elaborate set of rules, with the goal of drastically reducing their
total emissions.
Fourteen upwind states—most prominently Texas —have challenged this process (which is
called the Transport Rule). They claim
that the EPA exceeded the power Congress delegated to it. They’re irked by the
fact that all upwind states got the same federal regulations, whether they are
a minor polluter or a major one. The states further object that the EPA imposed
its rule without first giving each state the opportunity to develop its own
regulations.
In a 2–1 decision, a panel of judges on the U.S. Court of Appeals
for the D.C. Circuit agreed with the states. They found that the
Transport Rule exceeded the power Congress delegated to the EPA. They also said
that in order to comply with the statute, the EPA can’t implement its
regulations until it has shown exactly how much pollution each upwind state
contributes to its neighbors, and given each state a chance to develop its own
regulations.
On the surface, this case is simply about interpreting statutory
language. The D.C. Circuit reads the statute to empower the EPA to regulate
only that portion of upwind state pollution that qualifies as a “significant
contribution.” The EPA reads the statute as giving it the power to regulate the
total emissions of any upwind state.
The D.C. Circuit’s reading of the statute may be the more
natural one. But in the past, the EPA’s interpretation would probably have been
close enough to win in court. Since a major Supreme Court
ruling in 1984 (about the Clean Air Act, as it happens), the general
rule for courts has been that if Congress writes a law that gives power to an
agency, and some of the statute’s language is ambiguous, judges defer to the
agency’s interpretation of the statute. The idea is that the agency has all the
expertise and experience. Take air quality measurements, for example. Contrary
to the D.C. Circuit’s implicit assumption, determining exactly how much each
state is contributing to other states’ pollution is borderline impossible. The
pollution pattern for each state is a tangle of interconnected parts that
change every day in unpredictable ways. Pinning down an exact contribution from
each state is literally like chasing the wind.
Also, from a cost-benefit standpoint, the EPA’s regulations make
sense. The EPA is right to
claim that the only way to effectively reduce pollution in downwind
states is to reduce the collective emissions of all the upwind states. The
agency also set its regulations at cost-effective levels that get the most
pollution reduction for the money. The D.C. Circuit’s approach would make it
harder and more expensive to reduce pollution.
These practical considerations, however, seem to be beside the
point for the D.C. Circuit. The court is second in prestige only to the Supreme
Court, and wields special power in environmental law cases. Many are speculating
that it is actively curtailing the
power of the EPA by giving the agency less deference. The D.C.
judges themselves have shown frustration
at the way the agencies deal with congressional statutes. As Judge David Tatel
quipped in a 2009 speech, many agencies promulgate regulations without giving
the congressional statutes “so much as a quick skim.”
The general opinion
is that the Supreme Court will overturn the D.C. Circuit and support the EPA.
But even if the Supreme Court allows for tighter federal control of pollution
this time, the war over agency discretion may just be starting.
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