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My simple blog of pictures of travel, friends, activities and the Universe we live in as we go slowly around the Sun.



December 02, 2014

Rape thing

Steubenville hasn’t changed at all: “You trying to write about that whole rape thing?”

It's been two years since the horrific sexual assault. We visited the Ohio town looking for progress. There's none




In August 2012, two members of the Steubenville, Ohio, high school football team — the pride of the town — were accused of sexually assaulting a drunken 16-year-old. Many of their fellow students looked on, laughed and shared photos of the girl on social media. In effect, the community was able to watch the assault unfold in real-time. National outrage mounted as evidence emerged that school authorities had tried to cover up the crime and protect the two football stars.

I went to Steubenville this spring to find out how community members might have shifted their attitudes on sexual violence in light of the incident. It turns out that for the most part, they haven’t.

At around 2:30 on a Tuesday afternoon, the doors to Steubenville High School swing open. A steady stream of tight jeans and varsity jackets descends the front steps toward the parking lot.

It’s early May but the town is hung with a gray smog, one that the locals say never fully disappears no matter the season. The neighborhood around the school feels abandoned, almost derelict. There’s a Salvation Army across the street. Next to it is a YWCA with a beat-up billboard advertising its mission: Empowering Women. Beside the high school a flashing neon sign celebrates the school’s football team, known locally as Big Red. The sign reads: “Roll Red Roll: The Pride of the Valley.”
A stocky boy in a Big Red football jersey stops to talk with me. “You trying to write about that whole rape thing?” he asks. When I nod he says gruffly: “No one is going to talk to you about it. I don’t mean to be disrespectful. You seem like a nice girl. I just want to save you time. No one wants to talk about it.”

This won’t be the last warning I receive. It’s clear the locals don’t take well to nosy reporters. Not long afterward, an administrator comes by and tells me to leave: “I’m giving you five minutes to get off my property before I call the police.”

It’s not just students who are reluctant to talk — few in the community seem comfortable discussing the case. Authorities have not implemented any formal programs to reduce sexual violence in the community. Even informal conversations about the assault have largely died down, students tell me.
I ask Brianna Jones, a local whose stepsister attends Steubenville High, whether the case influenced teenage behavior at all. She laughs aloud. “Has it changed the way guys treat girls or approach sex? Not at all,” Jones, says, chuckling, and shakes her head sadly. “Not at all. If anything, things have gotten worse. These guys still do the same disgusting things.”

Steubenville High student Christine White, who was dating a boy involved at the time of the case, agrees. The incident had “no effect at all” on the community’s attitudes toward sex and consent, she tells me.

On my first day in Steubenville, my cab driver offers to take me on a quick tour of the city. He drives me across the bridge that the locals call Heroin Highway and into the downtown area, which consists primarily of boarded-up shops and shattered windows. The streets are eerily empty, but the courthouse steps are bustling. Everything seems built with a touch of irony — Elegance Bakery is just a rundown shack, and Lovers’ Lane is strewn with garbage and needles.

As we drive past town hall and the police department, my driver points out the prostitutes walking the streets of Steubenville’s red light district. Most of them wear tattered clothes, their skin stained with bruises and dirt. “You won’t want to be out on the streets at night,” he tells me. “You’ll probably be confused for a prostitute and you’ll get bought.” He points out the town’s best bakery, famous for its fresh bread, but warns me not to go there alone. We pass some playgrounds. They’re among the most dangerous areas in town, known as hotbeds of drug deals and shoot-outs.

Driving down Sunset Boulevard, we near Harding Stadium, the home of Big Red. On Friday nights, fans come into town from miles away to see the games. The stadium seats 10,000, more than half of the city’s population, and it’s nearly always packed. The team rarely disappoints. It has won nine state championships, with undefeated seasons in 2005 and 2006. “This town is all about Big Red,” my driver tells me. “It’s like a real live ‘Friday Night Lights.’”

Toward the end of our tour, I agree to accompany my cab driver to pick up one of his regular customers. She climbs into the backseat with two toddlers and a whimpering infant. As we drive to the hospital to drop her off, I learn that she is a prostitute and her baby suffers because of the “street drugs” she did while pregnant. She tells me that she recently moved to Steubenville from Harrisburg, thinking it would be a good community in which to raise her seven kids, but she is already ready to leave.

She gives her wailing baby a sidelong glance. “Maybe he’s just getting his lungs ready to be a big ball player,” she sighs. “Then he’ll make his mama some money. Or at least enough to get us out of this damned place.”

Steubenville wasn’t always this down at the heels, my tour-guide assures me. Once it was a booming steel town, but it was hit hard when the mills closed. Since 1970, the population has nosedived to 18,000, 40 per cent of its original size. More than a quarter of its residents live below the poverty line.

The city did not gain real notoriety, though, until two years ago. For decades it had been just another Rust Belt town — indistinguishable, to most Americans, from dozens of nearby cities ravaged by the decline of the steel industry. All that changed on Aug. 11, 2012, when a teenage girl from Weirton, West Virginia, just across the Ohio River, was sexually assaulted by two of Steubenville High’s star football players: sophomore quarterback Trent Mays and wide-receiver Ma’lik Richmond.

It was a Saturday night toward the end of summer. Students were driving into Steubenville from all over the area, ready to celebrate their last weeks of vacation and the start of football season. They congregated at the home of one of Steubenville High’s volunteer football coaches. Drinks were served from a makeshift bar stocked with vodka, rum and whiskey. “Huge party!!! Banger!!!!” Trent Mays had tweeted.

Across the river in Weirton, the 16-year-old girl told her parents she would be sleeping at a friend’s house that night. She left the house, spiked a slushy with vodka, and headed toward the Steubenville High party. But after several hours, the night began to sour.

The next day the young woman from Weirton would be unable to recall much that happened to her. Police eventually pieced together an account of her night, relying on witness testimony and aided by the many tweets and photographs that her peers had posted in real time.

Witnesses say the young girl was noticeably drunker than others at the party. She was slurring her words and stumbling. Other kids taunted her. One Steubenville High baseball player dared a friend to urinate on her. Eventually she found her way to a second party. She was carried out of that one “sleeping,” according to witness testimony, and woke up only long enough to vomit in the street.
A group of Big Red football players then drove her to a third party. In the backseat of the car, Mays flashed the girl’s breasts and penetrated her with his fingers while a third football player recorded it on video.

At the third party, Mays tried to coerce the girl into giving him oral sex. As she lay on the ground, naked and unresponsive, Mays exposed himself and Richmond penetrated her with his fingers. Mays’s best friend photographed the scene.

The girl fell asleep in the basement of that home. When she awoke in the morning, she could not remember what had happened to her. But she quickly began to see texts, tweets and photos telling the story of her night. Three days later, on Aug. 14, her parents walked into the Steubenville police station and turned over a flash drive with whatever evidence of the assault they could collect. One week later, Mays and Richmond were arrested.

It was a few days afterward that the assault started to attract national attention when 46-year-old Web analyst Alexandria Goddard, a onetime Steubenville resident who now lives in Columbus, began blogging about it. As interest grew, one photo of the fateful night went viral: Mays and Richmond were holding the girl from Weirton by her ankles and wrists, her head drooping backward and hair trailing on the ground. The girl’s ex-boyfriend Cody Saltzman tweeted the image with the words, “Never seen anything this sloppy lol.” A boy named Pat Pizzoferrato, who was also at the party, tweeted, “If they’re getting ‘raped’ and don’t resist then to me it’s not rape. I feel bad for her but still.”

In the weeks after the rape case, numerous school leaders were accused of obstructing investigation into the case. By the spring of 2013, the state attorney general was investigating the school’s football coach and other local officials on charges of covering up evidence. Several of those cases are still pending. But the town seemed to give its answer to the accusations in April 2013 when the football coach had his contract renewed for two more years.

Steubenville Police Chief William McCafferty studies me from across his office desk, a sleek wood table lined with Snoopy figurines and photos of his family. “You know,” he says, “If you’re looking for a story about the town healing, I really don’t know what to tell you.” Steubenville, he insists, was never really torn apart. There was never anything to heal.

For the world outside the small town, the 2012 case was, as one columnist described it, “rape culture’s Abu Ghraib moment.” But in the homes and churches and football bleachers of Steubenville, locals carried on as though nothing had changed. To the extent that townsfolk thought something had gone wrong, their answer was to redouble their commitment to their old habits.

The traditional Steubenville way of life centers on two things: Big Red and the church —institutions that can be easily confused, townsfolk joke. The neighborhoods are dotted with steeples, and more than 43 percent of the city’s population affiliates with a religious congregation. On Friday night, locals say, the stadium is packed, and on Sunday, so are the churches.

Neither of these cultural pillars — not the football-crazy culture, not the deeply Christian environment — makes it easy to start talking about sexual respect. Kim Bowman, youth director of Crossroads Christian Church, tells me that football and faith combine to fill a void created by crime and economic depression. But both bring their downsides.

The focus on football means that some teenagers — Big Red players in particular — can get away with anything, students tell me. “This whole city is based around Big Red,” Brianna Jones says. “It makes everything so political. Everything you get is based on who you know on the team.” Goddard, the blogger, says the 2012 rape case revealed the town’s unspoken rule: “Big Red players can get away with anything.”

On the other hand, the community’s religious conservatism makes it difficult for adults to engage the youth in conversations on sex and other sensitive subjects. Religious leaders, who might be expected to lead the way in transmitting values, don’t always have a clear sense of how to discuss sex and alcohol with teenagers, says Dr. James Rudiger, pastor of Cove Presbyterian Church in Weirton. We’re sitting in his office, which is filled with sports paraphernalia and 450 miniature football helmets. Rudiger says he would be happy to speak to the youth of his congregation about issues such as consent and sexual assault if he were asked, but no one has ever approached him. He has brought up rape from his pulpit, but not the 2012 Steubenville case in particular. “Besides,” he adds, “I think the spiritual implications of rape are pretty obvious.”

At the same time, Rudiger says he wishes that his 12-year-old daughter’s school would do a better job of educating about sexual health. She attends middle school at Weir Madonna, the Catholic parochial school where the Steubenville rape survivor attends high school. “I don’t find those sorts of classes threatening,” he says. “I think it’d be healthy for her to learn about sexuality. I wish they would teach it.”

Here and there, a few churches have managed to stimulate discussions about the rape case. At Crossroads Christian Church, where some teenagers loosely involved in the case — friends of the accused — are parishioners, the case stirred important conversations that had been ignored for too long, says the church’s youth director Bowman. “We have to find a way to approach these topics in a godly way,” Bowman says. “If we don’t talk about them with our kids we’re not being realistic.”

In a way, though, the churches — the institutions that Steubenville relies on to help young people grapple with values — are uniquely incapable of addressing right and wrong in a world of changing sexual mores, because they don’t accept that sexual morality can legitimately change. They can’t teach kids about consent or sexual respect, because they don’t believe kids should be engaging in sexual activity to begin with. Trish Flanigan, Family Violence Prevention Program director at a YWCA in nearby Wheeling, says she works with far too many children who do not know how to recognize dating violence. “We focus on teaching youth about alcohol, drugs and tobacco but we don’t emphasize healthy relationships from a young age. So bad habits can start to form.”

Goddard, the blogger, says some town residents did try to improve sex education programs in the wake of the incident. But they didn’t make much headway because they couldn’t win the backing of the broader community. In January 2013, five months after the assault, the Ohio Alliance for Prevention of Violence organized a round-table discussion about sexual assault. Five hundred invitations were sent to parents of Steubenville High students. On the day of the round table, only 19 showed up. “That is very telling,” Goddard says. “I just wonder, do they not think they have a problem? Is that why they’re so reluctant to talk?”

Not surprisingly, the schools in the area rarely addressed it, either. “My health teacher brought it up once but he didn’t really want to get into it,” says Hannah, a student at nearby Indian Creek High School. “He didn’t want to offend anyone in the class.”

In part, too, it seems the Steubenville community has had a difficult time opening itself to changes in modern mores because its experiences with the winds of national change — from the flight of industry to the influx of hard drugs — have been so relentlessly negative. Goddard believes Steubenville is a bubble whose residents have learned to be suspicious of outsiders.

“You have a community where a lot of people don’t leave, so they don’t see other ways of life,” Goddard says, her voice strained. “They think outsiders need to mind their own business. But unless you get out into the world, you don’t have a sense that other people aren’t living like you are.”

Inability to discuss sex with youngsters has many consequences, but the most glaring one is that many of the young people enter adolescence in a state of profound ignorance. “They don’t know that digital penetration is rape,” says Goddard. “They don’t know what consent is. It’s all about that lack of information. When you don’t know those things, look what happens: You have a lot of kids who get in trouble.”

This ignorance was on shocking display during the boys’ trial. The survivor told the courtroom she had never been taught the legal definition of rape at the time of the assault. She was not aware it included digital penetration. Mark Cole, a bystander who testified in return for immunity, told the courtroom that he first learned the term “voyeur” from the prosecution; this became relevant in testimony on the photos and videos he had taken of the victim on the night of the assault.
One of the bystanders was asked why he did not step in to defend the girl when one of the perpetrators exposed her breasts. “At the time, no one really saw it as being forceful,” the young man explained.

Steubenville High School does offer a health class. Two Steubenville High students, who say they cannot tell me their names for fear of retribution from school authorities, recall learning about dangers of misbehavior, like sexually transmitted diseases, anorexia, depression and alcoholism. They do not think the words “consent” and “bystander intervention” were ever mentioned. Ashley, a Steubenville High graduate, says she was never required to take a health class at all.

Goddard believes the rape case should have prompted school authorities to reevaluate sex education — but thus far, nothing has changed. “The city could have started an initiative on rape culture or bystander intervention and they haven’t,” Goddard says. “They could have taught teachers about mandatory reporting. There are a lot of things they could have done without the courts forcing them as punishment, but they haven’t taken the initiative.”

City councilman Bob Villamagna agrees to meet me one afternoon at the local Tim Hortons. I’m expecting my first sighting of a suit and tie in Steubenville. Instead, Villamagna turns out to be a large man in a tattered Harley Davidson shirt, with a firm handshake and an arm’s worth of tattoos. He tells me a bit about himself over coffee.

The councilman was raised in a “rough part of town” where he did his fair share of drugs as a teenager. But his family encouraged him to strive for more. He became a police officer and now serves on the city council. He says he’s working to stimulate economic growth and development. For all of Steubenville’s poverty and social disorder, he tells me he is proud of his hometown.

“The news media gave Steubenville a worse reputation than what it deserves,” Villamagna tells me gravely. “They sensationalize too much. I don’t think a quarter of what was said was correct. But that’s what sells newspapers. I’m 100 percent against what happened, but those journalists just covered it and covered it.”

In the parking lot of Steubenville High School I meet Ally, a senior who was loosely involved in the case. Like the councilman, she says reporters blew the story completely out of proportion. “The whole situation really sucked, especially the media attention,” she tells me. “It took a toll on everyone involved.”

Two younger students standing nearby, Brandy and Michaela, become agitated as they recall the experience of watching their town fill up with reporters after the case blew up. Journalists would stand in the school’s parking lots, waiting to pounce on the students exiting the building after class.
The hordes of reporters and television cameras massed outside the school placed a heavy burden on the community, says Chief McCafferty. “We had families put through hell, calls from parents who were concerned,” he tells me. “Some parents were afraid to even send their kids to school.”

The coverage that ended up in the national media spawned its own set of complaints. Ronnie Briggs, a Steubenville native who conducts bus tours of the region, describes the coverage as “very unfair.” The reporters were biased in favor of the victim, he grumbles, sitting on a bench at the local mall. “The media exposed facts about the boys but they didn’t take the time to learn about the girl. The young lady is not as innocent as they made her out to be.”

Briggs’ view might be extreme. Villamagna assures me that Steubenville residents were certainly concerned about the young woman. But they were also concerned about the town’s reputation. Journalists were descending on their city, a community already bruised from years of economic hardship, and reducing it to a poster-child for rape culture. Villamagna and others responded defensively, with demonstrations of hometown pride. “This town, it’s like your grandmother,” Villamagna tells me. “She’s old. She’s tired. But she’s still a good person.”

The townfolk are consistently quick to tell me about their community’s commitment to prayer, charity, service — and, of course, team spirit. Beth Rupert-Warren, executive director of the local United Way, says Steubenville bands together in times of crisis. “If there’s a kid who’s sick, everyone will come together and make the family a spaghetti dinner,” she says. That sort of resilience gives Rupert-Warren hope for Steubenville’s future. Right now, the town is known for its sexual abuse and the surrounding area for its joblessness. But one day, she tells me, Steubenville will be known as “comeback valley.”

First, though, the community will have to confront its failings, Rupert-Warren acknowledges. The hometown pride is something they’ve got down, she says; now they need to “point at the ugly.” “Our town has been wounded. But I see through the brokenness that there can be change, that we are a strong community.”

In the end, though, it’s hard to tell what meaningful change will look like. Will it mean reforms in sex education? An effort by the churches to address sexual violence?

Several weeks ago, Villamagna tells me, he went to a local black church with a colleague from the city council. When the preacher called out a blessing for the city council, the congregation began to shout: “Amen! Amen! Thank you, Jesus, for sending us Bob Villamagna!” Nervously, Villamagna looked around the room. He was hit with a sudden realization of the trust his constituents had placed in him. He realized their expectations were high. And he is scared, he says, of failure.

Villamagna knows this community needs real change, not just another church prayer or win for Big Red. But he does not know where to look for solutions, how to lead the town in a new direction. Today in Steubenville, it all still comes down to football and faith — the two things that failed them in the first place.

Coal

Coal's costs keep adding up

Herald-Leader Editorial

We hear a lot about a war on coal. But, to borrow another trendy phrase, amnesty is the real threat — amnesty for the coal industry.

How many more examples do we need of coal operators' lawlessness, aided and abetted by government apathy or impotence?

First, a stunning series by NPR and the Mine Safety and Health News this month detailed how 2,700 mine owners have gotten away with dodging nearly $70 million in safety fines.

Why should you care? Miners are injured in these delinquent operations at much higher rates than in those that pay their fines. Seven of the top 10 scofflaws, including West Virginia billionaire Jim Justice, control mines in Eastern Kentucky.

Then, last week, a ruling by Franklin Circuit Judge Phillip J. Shepherd laid bare the charade that is Kentucky's enforcement of coal industry compliance with the Clean Water Act. The judge described a state agency that barely even goes through the motions of enforcing the law.

Shepherd rejected a state-proposed settlement with what was one of Eastern Kentucky's largest producers of surface mined coal before going through bankruptcy, the West Virginia-based Frasure Creek Mining, which still has mining sites under permit in the state.

The company for years submitted false water monitoring data. Shepherd concluded there was either a scheme to commit fraud "or incompetence so staggering as to defy belief."

The Beshear administration's Cabinet for Energy and Environment chose to handle the 1,520 violations as paperwork errors, so did not investigate "substantive pollution violations" except in a very limited way and even that "tasked the staff significantly," wrote Shepherd.

"With only a handful of enforcement personnel, and a dwindling number of field inspectors, and with the position of Director of Enforcement unfilled since 2007, it is impossible for the Cabinet to effectively regulate permittees such as Frasure Creek who systematically violate" the Clean Water Act.

No wonder 93 percent of the Big Sandy River, the watershed where Frasure Creek does most of its Kentucky mining, is unfit to support aquatic life mainly because of surface-mining runoff.

The cabinet does not even know how many discharge outfalls are associated with the state's 2,200 coal general permits, Shepherd wrote. Therefore, the cabinet can't say whether coal companies are self-monitoring water pollution as required by federal law, much less whether they are violating their water pollution limits.

The massive violations were discovered by citizens who threatened to sue. The cabinet agreed to a consent decree under which Frasure Creek would pay $310,000. The cabinet also fought — and lost — all the way to the state Supreme Court to exclude citizens from any involvement in deciding the case.

Shepherd ruled the penalties were too small "to deter future violations" and sent "the message that cheating pays. This puts the many companies that comply with the law at a competitive disadvantage."

Hiring a new lab cost Frasure Creek an extra $30,000 a month. For a while, the company's quarterly reports appeared to be accurate with many more actual violations reported. Then, as if to prove Shepherd right, Frasure Creek started sending obviously false reports again. Citizen groups on Nov. 17 notified the state that they were again going to sue. The state insisted that it was already on top of any problems.

Shepherd said the settlement he rejected was unlikely to have changed Frasure Creek's behavior because the company gained more economic benefit from taking shortcuts than complying, making any fines or penalties "an acceptable cost of doing business."

It's the same for operators who increase profits by taking shortcuts on safety and health, putting lives at risk.

We also hear a lot about our economic dependence on cheap energy from coal. It's not cheap, though. The costs are high — they just get pushed onto someone else, the disabled or dead miners, or Kentuckians who depend on water, ruined by surface mining, that flows from the mountains across our state. How about a little amnesty for them?




Read more here: http://www.kentucky.com/2014/11/30/3567147_coals-costs-keep-adding-up.html?sp=/99/349/&rh=1#storylink=cpy

Mathematicians' study bolsters call for non-partisan redistricting reform

Same Votes, Different Districts Would Change Results



Researchers at Duke University have developed a mathematical model that shows how changes in North Carolina’s congressional voting districts could affect election outcomes.

Focusing on the last election, the researchers varied the state’s congressional districts to calculate what the outcome of the 2012 U.S. House of Representatives elections might have been had the state’s districts been drawn to emphasize nonpartisan boundaries. The team re-ran the election 100 times -- using the same votes as in 2012 and tweaking the voting map with only the legal requirements of a redistricting plan in mind. Not once did they get the split of Democratic and Republican seats seen in the actual election.

The researchers hope the study will bolster calls for redistricting reform in the 2016 election season.

The study appears online this week on the preprint server arXiv.

During the 2012 elections in North Carolina, Republicans took nine of the state’s 13 U.S. House seats although 51 percent of the two-party vote went to Democratic candidates.

The gerrymandering that led to these results isn’t unique to North Carolina or any specific party. Both Democrats and Republicans have used it for political advantage over the years. However, new technology makes it possible to draw partisan districts with increasing precision.

“North Carolina’s 12th and 4th congressional districts in particular look a little crazy,” said study co-author and Duke senior Christy Vaughn, who is originally from Taylorsville, N.C.

Vaughn and Duke math professor Jonathan Mattingly attempted to quantify how gerrymandering actually affects recent election outcomes.

They used a statistical algorithm to randomly redraw the boundaries of North Carolina’s 13 congressional districts. The model produced thousands of versions of the redrawn map. All of them were based only on the legal requirements of redistricting, ensuring the districts represented roughly equal numbers of voters and were as geographically compact as possible, without accounting for race or political affiliation.
districts
Next the researchers re-ran the 2012 U.S. House election on a computer and calculated what the outcome would have been for each new version of the map.

”If someone voted for a particular candidate in the 2012 election and one of our redrawn maps assigned where they live to a new congressional district, we assumed that they would still vote for the same political party,” Vaughn said.

After re-running the election 100 times, with a randomly drawn nonpartisan map each time, the average simulated election result was 7 or 8 U.S. House seats for the Democrats and 5 or 6 for Republicans. The maximum number of Republican seats that emerged from any of the simulations was eight. The actual outcome of the election -- four Democratic representatives and nine Republicans – did not occur in any of the simulations.

“We used the exact same votes as the 2012 election, and by only tweaking the district boundaries we got drastically different results,” Mattingly said. “The outcome of the election varies according to how you draw the district boundaries.”

The model isn’t meant as a tool for creating new voting districts, the researchers say.
“Our districts aren’t perfect,” Vaughn said.

But the methods they used can identify when a particular set of district boundaries may misrepresent the will of the people, and quantify the potential effects on an election. “This gives us a way to judge how reasonable a proposed redistricting is and what we should expect under a given set of boundaries,” Mattingly said.

The researchers hope the study will bolster calls for redistricting reform in the 2016 election season in North Carolina and other states. Any changes in the districting process would most likely go into effect after the next national Census in 2020, when states again redraw the boundaries of their congressional maps to reflect changes in their population.

Vaughn is a recipient of a Trinity Scholarship from Duke, a four-year, full-tuition merit scholarship designed to attract the most gifted students in North Carolina. The work was supported by Duke.

Fast food strike

Fast food workers plan nationwide strike for December 4

Thousands of workers in roughly 150 cities are expected to participate

 by Ned Resnikoff

Fast food workers in at least 150 cities nationwide will walk off the job on Dec. 4, demanding an industry-wide base wage of $15 per hour and the right to form a union. Workers unanimously voted on the date for the new strike during a Nov. 25 conference call, held shortly before the second anniversary of the movement’s first strike.

The first of the recent fast food strikes took place on Nov. 29, 2012, in New York City. Two hundred workers from various fast food restaurants around the city participated in that strike, making it the largest work stoppage to ever hit the fast food industry. Since then, the size of the movement has ballooned several times over: With the backing of the powerful service sector labor union SEIU, the campaign has come to include thousands of workers in the U.S.

One of the campaign's main targets, the McDonald's Corporation, has long maintained that labor protests against the company are not actually strikes in any meaningful sense.

"These are not 'strikes,' but are organized rallies for which demonstrators are transported to various locations, and are often paid for their participation," said a company spokesperson in an emailed statement. "At McDonald's we respect everyone's right to peacefully protest."

The National Worker Organizing committee, a nationwide steering group of 26 fast food workers around the country, approved the Dec. 4 strike date before it was proposed to the rest of the workers. Workers from all 150 cities involved in the campaign were then invited to vote on the date over a Nov. 25 conference call.

The proposal for a strike date was put forth by Burger King and Pizza Hut employee Terrence Wise, a leader in the Kansas City, Missouri branch of the committee. He exhorted workers across the country to recruit more co-workers and make the Dec. 4 the date of the biggest strike yet.

“We want to be bigger, bolder and better,” he said. “We’re going to show this movement is bigger than ever.”

Rev. William Barber, head of the North Carolina NAACP also spoke during the conference call. Barber is a prominent supporter of the fast food campaign and the architect of North Carolina's Moral Mondays events, a series of rallies and sit-ins protesting voter ID legislation and other recent conservative reforms to state law.

“I want you to know without a shadow of a doubt that the fight for labor wages and the fight for civil rights are two movements headed in the same direction,” Barber told the striking workers.

Noting the NAACP’s support for the fast food campaign, Barber suggested that recent low-wage strikes are on the same order of importance as the sit-in campaign of the civil rights era.

“The battle for fair wages is as critical as the battle that young people waged in the 1960s when they came into the sit-in movement,” he said.

Latonya Allen, a home health care worker from Atlanta, Georgia, and Abera Siyoum, a worker at Minnesota’s Minneapolis-St. Paul airport, also spoke on the call. Home health care workers and airport service workers are also engaged in campaigns for higher wages and improved working conditions. And workers from both industries will be rallying in support of the fast food workers on Dec. 4.

“In Minneapolis and across America, we are fighting for $15 because we want to change our lives for the better,” said Siyoum. “This is why I’m proud to stand together with fast food workers and home care workers. This is why I’m in this movement.”

The home health care worker and airport worker campaigns share a sponsor in common with the fast food movement: The Service Employees International Union, or SEIU, a powerful force behind many of the recent low-wage strikes. Over the past several months, many low-wage worker campaigns – including some that don’t receive significant SEIU support – have adopted some of the rhetoric of the fast food campaign. Recently, the Walmart workers’ campaign OUR Walmart adopted the fast food workers’ signature demand of a $15 base wage.

The $15 demand has gained some legislative traction as well. Since the first fast food strike, San Francisco and Seattle have both voted to raise their minimum wages to $15 per hour. Numerous other cities and states have raised the minimum wage to lower levels.

The voting portion of the conference call took well over an hour. Although 150 cities were reportedly represented, they were “consolidated” into between 50 and 60 regions in order to speed the process along.

The vote itself may have been more a formality and an exercise in building enthusiasm than anything else. None of the regions voted nay, and each one responded to the call for a vote with chant or cheer. Workers from Tucson, Arizona chanted, “No justice! No Grease!” Those calling in from Richmond, Virginia sang the line, “We are united workers.”

Some workers also repeated what has been a common refrain for the movement: “Whatever it takes.” The most recent fast food strike, which took place in early September, was the first to feature widespread acts of civil disobedience. According to a public relations firm connected to the fast food campaign, nearly 500 workers were arrested during that strike for activities such as obstructing traffic. Another strike in May was accompanied by solidarity rallies by fast food workers in 32 other countries around the globe.

A spokesperson affiliated with the campaign told Al Jazeera that no civil disobedience or international rallies are being planned this time around. However, global solidarity was very much a theme on the conference call. Several workers in the campaign recently traveled abroad to meet with fast food workers in other countries, and some of them discussed their experiences on the call.

Alvin Major, a KFC employee in Brooklyn, New York, visited fast food workers in Denmark, France and the United Kingdom. He said he was struck by working conditions in Denmark, where a McDonald’s employee can earn as much as $20 per hour.

“These people are willing to fight and unite with us to get a better agreement in America,” he said. “In America we don’t have benefits, we don’t have anything.”

Rent Is Too Damn High

The Rent Is Too Damn High — And It Doesn’t Have To Be

by Joshua Holland

Oligarchs Destroyed a City

How Oligarchs Destroyed a Major American City

by Anis Shivani

Thanks Giving

 Dream crew I think.....

AC snipe

Dear Larry and Ernesto:

We wanted you to know that we are genuinely sorry about the way we’ve treated both of you. At the times we criticized both of you for your illogical, backwards, seemingly insane decisions about America’s Cup issues, we failed to understand just how poisonous the Cup is. Worse yet, we failed to realize that we’d been infected, too.

We’ve compared the past two holders of the Cup as infected by ownership of the Cup just as Lord of the Ring’s Gollum was infected by ‘The Precious,’ and little did we know that its effect extends far beyond physical contact. That same force – let’s call it Dyscuptopia - that caused otherwise wildly successful entrepreneur/sailors to so perfectly fail in their grandiose goals actually led us to believe that the America’s Cup had some sort of duty to the wider sport in the USA. When we chased the first wing-sailed Cup boat in history all over San Diego, when we broadcast live talk shows from the BMR Oracle compound in Valencia, and when we snuck onstage to hold the Cup after it was wrestled away from Bertarelli’s willd plans, we became invested. And more importantly, infected.

Sure, Larry, your and Russell’s very vocal plans to revolutionize the public face of sailing while bringing in millions in revenue helped lead us down this primrose path, where we walked along with sponsorship directors, the governments of several municipalities and various nongovernmental organizations. But we’re Sailing Anarchy – the site that prides itself on brutal honesty, run by a couple of the most jaded, cynical bastards anyhere. We should have known better.

Instead, we got mad, and until the other day, we stayed that way. Mad when the USA got rapidly washed out of the US Team. Mad when poor recruiting snowballed into a failed media push. Mad at the secrecy and opacity rife in the event, magnified by the continuing silence more than a year since Bart’s death. And mostly, mad at the incredible wealth spent on the San Francisco Cup while almost nothing went to the marketing, sustainability or infrastructure of the sport that makes it all possible; a wasted opportunity in a nation that’s lost three quarters of its sailing population over the past 30 years.

When Bernie Wilson broke the Bermuda venue story last week, we started to write a typically scathing editorial and planned a trip to the December 2nd Press Conference. We’d put Russell’s feet to the fire in front of hundreds of journalists, we would! And then we thought about it for a second, and wondered why we gave even the tiniest shit. And that’s when we knew it wasn’t a logical reaction, rather, it was the dreaded Dyscuptopia, which we’ll define as ‘the unshakeable conviction that the afflicted can and must use the America’s Cup for some incredibly grand purpose.’

When the fog cleared, we realized that Larry doesn’t owe anyone a goddamned thing. It’s his Cup, it’s his regatta, and if his top employee wants to make a sustainable America’s Cup in Bermuda, more power to him. And to be perfectly frank, it shouldn’t be that fucking hard, as long as everyone cuts their expectations by about 90%. The Extreme Sailing Series and World Match Race Tour have proved that a combination of venue fees and hospitality/b-to-b sponsorship can fund solid racing series. All you have to do is make the boats cheap enough and have sponsorship hunters that are slick enough, and repeat as needed.

So with a final sigh, we shrug off our Dyscuptopia, and close the chapter on our criticism and legal analysis of the commercialization, litigation, and Russel-ization of the Oracle America’s Cups. We will certainly not hide from reporting on the inevitable screwups, boondoggles, or the public’s continued loss of interest, but our anger is gone, and we’ve accepted that the America’s Cup will never be what it could be.

And we’ll be on Bermuda’s beautiful Great Sound to watch some catamaran racing – all thanks to Larry and Russell. And we’ll be watching tomorrow’s press conference from the warmth of South Beach.

Sailing Anarchy..

VOR

Vestas situation…

From Sailing Anarchy

I ‘m a huge VOR fan- that’s no exaggeration. I love everything about the race- the boats, the sailors, the venue, the great reporting and media content- I lap it all up like a teenage groupie, checking the website- and SA- several times each day, starting from the moment I wake up. I’ve become quite fond of each boat and team, the various personalities, and I appreciate what this race means to our beloved sport. I might even make my next car a Volvo- seriously!

Like hundreds of thousands (I imagine) of fellow sailors around the world, my heart broke when I learned about the tragic fate of Team Vestas Wind. This is a terrific group of guys, and a wonderful program. I am very happy that all hands are safe. I decided to write because this terrible event brought back profound memories that I had more or less filed away in my memory banks, but these memories were wrenched back into the present, as I learned of this occurrence.

You see, I too once had the unfortunate experience of driving a sailboat onto a reef; to experience the feeling of one moment flying along at double digit speeds, blast reaching on an endless ocean propelled by warm trade winds; to suddenly experience the abject horror of seeing a surf line emerge out of the darkness ahead, followed immediately by a gigantic jolt and sickening crunch, as tens of thousands of pounds of yacht meets immoveable coral; followed by sheer terror as huge breaking waves crashed into the hull, lifting the boat entirely out of the water, to be dropped with a deafening crash again, and again, until pushed up onto the reef; to make the fateful decision to abandon ship, jumping into the dark surf and stumbling along, cut by the coral, then to relative safety while awaiting rescue; and to experience the agony as realization begins to sink in: our voyage is over; a terrible mistake has been made. Reading about Team Vestas Wind brought that awful night back in vivid detail.

SA has- appropriately at this moment only briefly- mentioned the inevitable question that all must have: How could this have possibly happened? It seems inconceivable, with all the resources and technology available to the crew, and the collective sailing experience of all aboard, that something like this could have happened. Moreover, I believe the crash occurred in daylight, making it even more inexplicable. The answer to this question has yet to be provided- but I doubt we’ll ever get a credible explanation.

In truth, I’m not sure I need one, because I already know what happened, and I know the implications.

Thirty four and half years ago, identical questions were being asked about the shipwreck of the maxi Condor of Bermuda. Like Vestas Wind, the crew résumés were impressive- the collective ocean miles of the crew was something like 175,000, and a few had done the most recent Whitbread race. Back then, there was a relatively simple answer as to why we crashed onto Marlon Brando’s island: gross negligence on the part of the skipper, and the navigator.

I’m not all that anxious to learn the details about what happened to Team Vestas Wind, because it is sad to realize that in all likelihood, the skipper and navigator, at least, will never find meaningful work as professional sailors again. That is terribly tragic, but the sad truth- regardless of how you slice it, dice it, play it or spin it…there simply is no excuse for this to have happened- none. It was a fuck-up of the highest magnitude.

The lessons I learned thirty four years ago are still true today: (1) Never take an expert’s word for it; check the charts yourself! (2) Do not be intimidated by professionals! Professionals are like anyone- they are human, imperfect; they can, and do, make mistakes. If you are in doubt, if you have a question…..ASK! Say something!

The afternoon of our departure, I had asked our navigator, “What compass course will we be sailing initially?” After he gave me the answer, I went to the navigation station, sat at the desk, took out a pair of parallel rules, looked at the chart, located the course he’d given me on the chart’s compass display, and walked off the course from our point of departure. I found the course took us directly into a tiny atoll, about 35 miles north of Tahiti. I re-tried the course again, and again, getting the same result each time. I said to myself, “Nah. He must know this. He’s a world-famous professional sailor and navigator, and these are the best ocean sailors on the planet; I am nobody who knows nothing.”

I’ll never forget it. As we sat on our wrecked ship, with breakers beating against the smashed hull, the moon eventually rose to reveal palm trees, and a sandy beach a couple of hundred yards away. My watch captain exclaimed out loud, “Where the fuck are we???” I looked at him in complete disgust, and said: “I know exactly where we are!”

Our boat was insured, as is, I imagine, is Team Vestas Wind. Fortunately, yacht insurance policies do not have a “Stupidity Exclusion,” so there should be full coverage to salvage and repair this beautiful sailboat. I truly hope it can be repaired in time to return to the VOR, but if that occurs, sad to say, I would expect there’ll be a change of the afterguard. – Anarchist Kirk.

VOR News: Team Vestas

This graphic picture shows the stricken Team Vestas Wind lying in a reef in a remote Mauritius archipelago of St Brandon after being grounded there at the weekend.

The team and race organisers are now working out the best way to recover the Volvo Ocean 65 in the Indian Ocean.

Neil Cox, shore manager of the Danish team, said: “The photo paints a pretty graphic picture of what’s going on out there. The picture tells a 1,000 words.”

He said his focus was still the security of the nine members of the crew.

“We have still got nine guys sitting on what is basically a sand pit out in the middle of the Indian Ocean.

“They are still the priority. It’s a peace of mind to know they’re all safe and doing everything they can out there with the boat right now.”

Cox said that sail ropes, fluids, electronics and hardware had been taken off the boat.

The nine-strong crew abandoned ship in the early hours of Sunday morning after the collision at 19 knots at 1510 GMT the previous day and waded through knee-deep water to a dry position on the reef.

They were picked up from there at daylight by a coastguard rib and taken to the nearby Íle du Sud.
The islet has very little communications with the outside world and the crew are awaiting transportation back to Mauritius. This is expected to happen within the next 24 hours.

The National Coast Guard of the Maritime Rescue Co-operation Centre (MRCC) of Mauritius took the pictures as part of its usual operations after such an incident.

The crew have received food packages via an airdrop from a coastguard plane. It confirmed that all were uninjured in the collision.

All nine members of the Danish team were uninjured in the drama, which unfolded from 1510 UTC on Saturday when their Volvo Ocean 65 hit the reef in Cargados Carajos Shoals, Mauritius.

The rudders were broken in the collision and the stern began taking on water - although the stern compartment was locked tight.

Finally, at around midnight, the team led by skipper Chris Nicholson abandoned the boat and then waded, knee-deep through the sea to a dry spot on the reef from where they could be rescued by a coastguard RIB at daybreak at around 0230 UTC.

They were transported to the tiny islet of Íle du Sud, part of Cargados Carajos Shoals, which is also known as St. Brandon and situated some 430 kilometres to the north-east of Mauritius.

Race organisers and Team Vestas Wind will now attempt to take them from there to the mainland. Race Control in Alicante, Spain kept the Maritime Rescue Co-Operation Centre (MRCC) informed throughout the incident.

Team Vestas Wind’s rival race crew, Team Alvimedica, diverted to assist in a rescue mission if necessary but after several hours looking on from a safe distance away, were eventually cleared to continue racing north after it was apparent that the Vestas crew were no longer in danger.

Navigator Will Oxley sent this report from Team Alvimedica: “All is well on board, though it is fair to say we are all shattered and quite emotional about what happened.